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In this dissertation I trace the fate of a traditional philosophical problem, the problem of knowledge in the writings of Hegel and Marx. My aim has been to refute the thesis that their ultimate rejection of the problem was without a positive outcome and, in particular, the thesis of Habermas that in rejecting the problem they, in effect, negated the; achievements of previous epistemology. My aim has not been to deny that Hegel and Marx transform the problem of knowledge on their writings. Rather, I have attempted to bring out the positive aspects of their criticism of previous epistemology. The theme of their criticism is that previous theories of knowledge had given an inadequate account of experience. In its place they offer what I believe to be new and important accounts of experience. Furthermore, Hegel and Marx's criticisms of previous epistemology are far from being identical. Hegel, on the one hand, directs his criticisms at the sceptical attitude of his forerunners He is for this reason particularly blunt with the Empiricist philosophers. Marx, on the other hand, concerns himself more with the abstractness of the philosophical approach in general. In his view philosophy itself is the obstacle to a correct notion of experience. But what Marx means by philosophy is German Idealist philosophy and, in particular, that of Hegel. It is further my thesis, therefore, that the differences in the manner in which Marx and Hegel carry out their criticism of traditional epistemology constitutes the End of German Classical Philosophy.

This thesis criticises G.A. Cohen's 'Karl Marx's theory of history: a defence' and the debate surrounding it, from the perspective of critical realism. It is a sustained critique of analytical Marxism's founding text and one of the first engagements of these two theoretical schools. It involves a close review of the basic terms of the book's presentation of a traditional conception of historical materialism and an assessment of Cohen's success in reconstructing a viable version of the theory. This is judged as a failure. Particular stress is laid upon the inapplicability of analytical philosophy to Marxism and Cohen's ambiguous relationship with the legacy of Hegel in Marx. His functionalist modes of explanation, the material-social division of reality, and the rational individual as a starting point for theory, are all found wanting. This criticism of static ahistorical models and the use of neo-classical methods, has, therefore, significant implications for the hole of the analytical Marxist project. Cohen's version of Marx's theory of history is shown to be unable to account for epochal transition - in particular the transition from feudalism to capitalism - and inadequate in dealing with the determination of the economy. The explanatory primacy of productive forces in history is rejected in favour of an alternative approach to agency, class and social structure. Further to this, a realist interpretation of the Marxist theory of value is offered, the place of class in historical materialism reviewed, and a partial reconceptualisation of relations and forces of production proposed.

This thesis deals with the Adam Smith Problem. This problem relates to a debate about the relationship between <i>The Theory of Moral Sentiments</i> (TMS) and <i>An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations</i> (WN). It is suggested that Smith developed in these two works two irreconcilable anthropological views. It is claimed that the foundation of Smith’s ethics in TMS is an altruistic anthropological view, whereas the basis of his political economy in WN is an individualistic anthropological approach. The main idea which I develop in my thesis is that the anthropological basis of both Smith’s works is the same, namely the concept of social individuality. I suggest that he develops in TMS a concept of social individuality, and gives in WN a critical account of the situation of the individual in commercial society. I put forward the idea that these two concepts should be seen as two complementary aspects of one and the same overall anthropological view. The former concept refers to the general aspect and the latter to the particular (historical) aspect of Smith’s anthropological view. Nonetheless, I claim that there is a contradiction between these two aspects of Smith’s overall anthropological view. I suggest, however, that this contradiction should not be ascribed conceptually to Smith. I argue, therefore, that he is aware of his contradiction and that he himself endeavours to develop a solution to it. In my thesis I endeavour to show that Smith’s solution to this contradiction lies in his utopia. He develops the framework of his utopian society by an “immanent” critique of commercial society. In Part II, I work out Smith’s concept of social individuality under the heading of the constitution of the self as fully developed in TMS, and, in Part III, I present Smith’s account of the situation of the self in commercial society.

The central purpose of this thesis is to reinterpret the crime of genocide. To accomplish this task, I explore genocide by external and immanent critique. An external critique means comparing genocide as a policy to other kinds of contrasting practices which rest upon different standards of value than those which substantiate genocide. An immanent critique entails turning the language, intentions and consequences of genocide in on itself by evaluating this policy internal to the governmental authority’s own standards of value. To establish a basis for this critique, I first explore the history of genocide in international law and politics, and critically evaluate its current conceptual meanings within genocide studies. I argue for a reading of genocide that is consistent with the work of Rafael Lemkin, while exploring the limits of other approaches. Secondly, I address the theories of genocide and argue for a conceptual distinction between war and genocide. I then establish a central proposition of the thesis: that genocide is a deeply paradoxical policy in two essential respects, one concerning victimology, whilst the other in reference to perpetrator intention. I explore these two paradoxes through a cooperative examination of Rwanda and Stalinist Russia. To account for these paradoxes, I then turn to an examination of the form of government empirically most associated with genocide: totalitarianism. Through an examination of Arendt’s theory of politics and totalitarianism I show how genocide is fundamentally opposed to authentic politics because of how this policy diverges from positive law. Through this analysis of genocide and law, I argue for a new understanding of genocide in topographical terms, which specifically entails that genocide is a policy that collapses political and social space. I explore how a policy of genocide constrains the purposes of subjective action in perverse and puzzling ways.

In recent years, there has been a growing literature on Gramsci’s conception of the philosophy of praxis, and specifically the centrality of Marx within it. However, this has not been accompanied by serious studies of the way in which Marx’s own approach to philosophy relates to Gramsci’s philosophical reconstruction of the former. This study explores both Gramsci’s philosophical reinterpretation of Marx, as well as Marx’s own understanding of philosophy. I argue that despite the presence of parallels between them, the two thinkers ultimately have divergent conceptions of philosophy. I conclude that Gramsci went beyond Marx both in the way he critically analyzed philosophy, as well as the way in which he grasped knowledge as politics.

This thesis explores the use of qualitative social psychology in political science. The reason for conducting the research was the realisation that research within political science was dominated by quantitative realist methodologies and that existing qualitative research methods were ill-equipped to accommodate a linguistic interpretation of events. This thesis does not necessarily aim to supplant existing methodologies rather it asks how qualitative social psychology could compliment and facilitate existing methodological approaches. Qualitative social psychology is increasingly underpinned by social constructionism (Willig, 2001); that meaning is based on perspectives and that through their use of language individuals constantly make and remake the social (Burr, 2003; 2015). This methodology is relativistic. It suggests that meaning is specific and relative to social, cultural and historical moments (Parker, 1998) and draws on interpretivism suggesting that unlike in the hard sciences truth and evidence of social issues such as poverty is dependent on the interpretation by people (Schwandt, 2003). The thesis will use a constructionist thematised method to exemplify this approach. This method shares common ground with a range of methods used in qualitative social psychology that builds on initial thematised coding and consequently may lead to a broader understanding of the possibilities of using this approach in political science. To explore the possibilities of using qualitative psychology the thesis considered changes in attitudes to voting of the 18-24 cohort in the UK. The turnout of this cohort at general elections has declined since the 1992 general election and this has been problematic to explain using existing political science methodologies. A group of forty participants that might have typically taken part in a study investigating this topic were recruited. These were group interviewed and their talk was transcribed and then analysed to identify discursive codes and themes.

Traditional accounts of political resistance often conceptualise it as a reaction to power. Widely discussed yet still enigmatic remarks by Michel Foucault, however, invite us to think resistance as primary. This thesis elaborates on these remarks with respect to their reception and antecedents and argues for an understanding of resistance’s primacy. Through the primacy of resistance, we prioritise resistance’s creative and transformational character above its oppositional qualities. This alternative appreciates resistance without presupposing opposition as necessary to it: it relegates resistance’s oppositional character to the status of an accidental misfortune. So if resistance needs to be against something, it is primarily against the against that follows it. Following chapters devoted to introduction to and elaboration upon the above, the core of the thesis is divided into two parts. Part One considers historical examples of the primacy of resistance’s closure. Chapter Three illustrates how the creative potential of early discussions of human nature - Etienne de la Boétie’s account of natural companionship in particular - was obstructed by the figure of the liberal subject of rights. Chapter Four highlights how the expansive conceptions of labour present within the work of Mario Tronti and JK Gibson-Graham are foreclosed by neoliberal discussions of human capital and bio-financialisation. Part Two of the thesis explores the primacy of resistance’s contemporary openings. Chapter Five proposes an inverted reading of Jacques Rancière’s concept of politics as interruption that resonates with Antonio Negri’s emphasis on Baruch Spinoza’s potentia qua resistance. Chapter Six then stages a virtual encounter between Gilles Deleuze’s ontology of matter and Foucault’s account of the primacy of resistance with which we began. By elaborating upon Foucault’s enigmatic remarks through this series of explorations, the thesis traces a conceptual trajectory beyond Foucault, establishes the affinity between resistance and creation and suggests new avenues for subsequent investigation.

In order to justify and naturalise domination and exploitation of ‘others,’ some ideologies that theorise ‘they are less human’ have been invented and employed throughout history. Among these ideologies is the ‘West‐and‐Islam’ dualism, which has been comprehensively and critically studied by Edward Said in Orientalism. Since Orientalism was published in 1978, however, the world seems to have become much more interdependent and political interrelations between the West and Islam have changed dramatically. Consequently this dualism, though more or less in place, has been influenced by escalating waves of globalisation and redistributed and reshaped in a different form. To critically appraise this dualism in this new era, three prominent contemporary Western Islamologists, Bernard Lewis, John Esposito and Gilles Kepel, have been selected and different aspects of their perspectives, their methodologies, their views on Islam and modernity, their political propositions and Islamic belief and law in their vision, are closely compared and critically examined. These three scholars are used to describe parts of the fabric of what I call neo‐Orientalism; they are exemplars suggesting the existence of a larger whole. This dissertation aims to present the genealogy of some lingering traces of the West‐and‐Islam dualism in order to know how they were originated and how they can be replaced by an egalitarian perspective. This is particularly important in this new interdependent world, where we are very close to each other and any crisis anywhere can affect human beings everywhere. This thesis also aims to criticise the often unquestioned assumptions of Western works on Islam and to show through a comparative examination that there can be very different routes with healthier outcomes to look at other cultures. In addition to methods used by Said and to avoid his shortcomings, this research is informed by a Popperian methodology, relying on his theory of the growth of knowledge, his situational analysis and his views on framework and ideology. In conclusion, this thesis suggests that if the West‐and‐Islam dualism is considered as a spectrum of views on Islam, Lewis is the most dualist, perfectly following all principles of dualism, Esposito is the least, and Kepel is (so to say) in between. Moreover, some promising changes in neo‐Orientalism as well as some additional dualistic tendencies that can define neo‐Orientalism are found in this new era. To portray a better future for our interdependent world some new approaches to identity, global ethics and global civil society are suggested. Eradicating the roots of Orientalism and Occidentalism alike and accepting, protecting and even promoting diversity are first steps towards countering devastating threats that endanger humankind as a whole.

This study is an investigation of cross-­national comparative analysis of agenda-setting and political communication process during the 2004 Cyprus Referendum. The main aim of the study is to explore the dynamics amongst political campaigners and news media in the agenda-­setting process in the referendum that was proposed by the United Nations General Secretary Kofi Annan to reunify the island after 50 years of division. This research is a unique subject to study as it has not been scrutinised by academics from a mass media and political communication perspective. There have only been a few attempts to compare the contents of election communication in different societies, particularly for referendum campaigns communication. To scrutinise the dynamics and discretionary power between the media professionals and political campaigners, I have employed the framework of the pioneering study of Semetko et al.(1991) The Formation of campaign Agendas: A Comparative Analysis of Party and Media Roles in Recent American and British Elections. In this study I have explored the dynamics between the political campaigners, politicians and the news media over the agenda-­setting process and I have also investigated to what extent cultural and political factors influenced the political campaign design and the agenda-­setting power of the political actors. Additionally, the influence of media systems-in particular print media on the agenda-­setting process has been examined. So, this study analysis not only contributes to the comparative studies, where there is a dearth of research scope, but it also contributes particularly to the literature of agenda-setting research within the context of referendum elections, an area in which scholarly research is also neglected. Perhaps, most importantly, this study will also create a body of knowledge for likely future referendum studies in Cyprus on reunification