This study is an inter-disciplinary theoretical endeavour which situates itself at the interface between marketing and political science and which contributes to both political marketing and political science perspectives. It emerges from the proposition that there are important differences between the workings of party-centred political systems as practiced in many of the well established democracies in Northern/Western Europe and candidate-centred systems such as in the United States. The latter are characterised predominantly by self-introduced political entrepreneurs who capture the nomination of a political party while the former are mainly constructed around the workings of membership parties that allow, encourage and facilitate party members' and associated members' participation in intra-party production processes (of policy and representatives). While these differences are acknowledged by interested political marketing and political science scholars, such insights have yet to penetrate at the level of theory. As a result, significant aspects of party-centred political realities are rendered theoretically invisible or they are misrepresented in these literatures. This study aimed to remedy these shortcomings through the application and extension of an alternative marketing framework - that is, the relationship marketing framework - which departs from the managerial marketing framework which is most often applied cross- contextually in the contemporary political marketing literature. The thesis offers a problematising re-description - a theoretical rethinking - of how party-centred political contexts may be understood in terms of "markets". The theoretical argument is constituted, firstly, by the methodological procedure involving an independent critical and reflexive analysis; and secondly, through the introduction of a theoretical contextual distinction between markets for 'high-touch labour-intensive services' (on the one hand) and ordinary goods and commoditised services (on the other); Together these aid in the development of a set of conceptual models aimed at furthering our understanding of party-centred politics in terms of "markets" and at helping to distinguish them theoretically from candidate-centred systems such as those in the United States. The argument contributes to scholarly debates devoted to understanding the dynamics of party-centred politics within both the political marketing and political science analytical traditions. The analysis also helps to shed theoretical light on the different types of political power that party-centred and candidate-centred systems potentially make available to their citizens, thereby contributing an enhanced understanding of different categories of democracy.

The thesis examines the role of metaphor in political thought and, in particular, in the work of the British philosopher Thomas Hobbes. It is argued that, contrary to what many critics have suggested, Hobbes's use of images, metaphorical and otherwise, formed the basis for much of his political philosophy. Indeed, it is from a correct understanding of the use of the metaphoric image in political thought that varied Hobbesian concerns such as history, science, geometry, optics, poetry, and political philosophy can be united. Appropriately, chapter one narrates four distinct traditions of applying the subject of metaphor to philosophy. It is argued that, far from being marginal to political thought, metaphor partially forms the basis for much of the activity of political thinking. The second chapter develops a theory of the meaning of political metaphors. It is argued here that many twentieth century accounts of the meaning of metaphors are deficient for they fail to acknowledge how metaphorical images are used in political thought: namely, to unite the populace in a common political judgment. The remainder of the thesis is then devoted to the work of Thomas Hobbes. Based upon an understanding of political metaphor as outlined in the first two chapters, it is argued in chapter three that contempory theorists are wrong when they suggest that Hobbes contradicted himself when using metaphors to adorn his prose and yet, at the same time, condemning their very existence. On the contrary, it is argued that Hobbes's treatment and use of metaphors was highly consistent. More importantly, once Hobbes's alleged contradiction has been satisfactorily resolved, we soon find that the metaphoric image was to play a large role in almost all of his work, from his translation of Greek classics to his theory of rhetoric and of history. Chapter four then turns to Hobbes's optical theory of nowledge, for it is argued here that the starting point to Hobbes's understanding of science, geometry, and, ultimately, knowledge is primarily visual. Chapter five then analyzes the metaphorical imagery of Hobbes's most popular work, Leviathan. From a dose look at various aspects of this work we find that the metaphoric image is perhaps its most constitutive element. Finally, chapter six analyzes the double-edged sword to our political images. From looking at the role of metaphorical imagination in Hobbes's political philosophy, including a discussion of the poetic imagination of Michael Oakeshott and Martin Heidegger, it is argued that the act of imagination can be either politically creative or highly dangerous. This, indeed, is the consequence of the metaphoric image in political thought - it has the power either to save or enslave us.

The first chapter of this thesis explores the link between a government's political power and its choice between patronage and meritocracy in the recruitment and promotion of state bureaucrats. Evidence suggests that where political power is concentrated, governments are less likely to renounce patronage. A theoretical analysis suggests two reasons for this negative correlation. First, under patronage, governments can ensure bureaucratic competence only when they are powerful, while meritocracy guarantees competence regardless of the distribution of power. Secondly, a weak government introduces meritocracy to prevent the new incoming government from exerting its political influence over the composition of bureaucracy via patronage. The second chapter (joint paper with Maitreesh Ghatak) examines why not-for-profits are most active in mission-based sectors and why they are able to attract more motivated workers. Francois (2000) argues that choosing not-for-profit status enables the firm's manager to commit to a hands-off policy, and consequently to use worker's intrinsic motivation more effectively. However, it can be shown that this is not always in the interest of the manager and that it is never in the interest of the worker. Not-for-profits only emerge if there is an oversupply of motivated labour. The third chapter studies the role of political neutrality as a norm for state bureaucrats. The norm of political neutrality can be interpreted as an agreement to keep the bureaucrat's preferences hidden. Drawing on a theoretical analysis of the conflict of interest between bureaucrat and politician, this chapter shows that having no information on the bureaucrat's political views can improve the communication between politician and bureaucrat. This way, political neutrality can improve public decision making.

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There have been a variety of attempts in recent years to categorise party systems. This work examines one such attempt at a new party type, Katz and Mair's cartel party theory, which was first proposed in 1995. It will initially approach the cartel party theory from a theoretical angle looking at the internal tensions and inconsistencies within the theory. The German party system will then be looked at to see what it reveals about the theory so a new critique can be drawn up and modifications to the theory suggested. Katz and Mair argue that faced with declining electoral support and falling membership levels, political parties have turned towards the state in order to secure much needed resources. These resources can take the form of control over electoral rules, state funding and access to the media. At the same time parties attempt to use their position of dominance to control the entrance of new parties into the cartel. This in turn leads to organisational and ideological change within the parties, creating cartel parties. These issues will be explored by looking at the German party system and using this example to critique and modify the theory. When Katz and Mair first put forward their theory they admitted it was very vague in some areas. This work addresses some of these issues, fleshing out the theory and providing modifications where it is unsatisfactory. The thesis will argue that the theory refers more to a cartel of parties in terms of how parties behave rather than distinctive organisational changes on the part of the parties. It will also make the case that the cartelisation theory in practice would be more subtle then Katz and Mair imply. The main parties would use a range of mechanisms to give themselves an advantage, but the possibility for new parties to emerge would still remain. This work will argue that this is not inconsistent with the workings of an actual cartel and that new parties can emerge and even join the cartel without it invalidating the theory or creating a paradox.

This investigation is concerned with the possibility of establishing a concept of political responsibility. The fact that it is possible to find many examples in which there are calls for the ascription of political responsibility suggests that indeed political responsibility is a concept through which we see 'ourselves and our world' However, it would appear that the political realm consists of political actors who seek to avoid the ascription of and/or the acceptance of political responsibility. This investigation explores the apparent gap between the theoretical concept and practice. It clarifies the possibility of, and also makes explicit the parameters of the concept of political responsibility. In addition it suggests strategies that may make the ascription and/or acceptance of political responsibility less objectionable to political actors.

No description available.

In this thesis I have tried to establish a theory of justice which would be plausible and acceptable in contemporary Korean society. The basic idea of justice I espouse is based on the notion of teleological desert. This is a liberal-communitarian conception of justice which is a amalgam between liberal individualism and traditional communitarian values. I have argued that the achievement of this kind of synthesis between two seemingly inconsistent and incompatible principles can be made possible only through the approach of a liberal perfectionist virtue ethics: for each member of society to become a more excellent human being in an autonomous way is a most viable way of realizing justice not only in personal relations but also in society at large. In order to nurture perfectionist virtue I have advocated a creative reconstruction of traditional Confucian ethics in a way that can suit any contemporary industrialized and capitalist society. The essential elements worth drawing from traditional Confucian philosophy seem to be a kind of work-ethic that stresses self-fulfilment and human perfection through hard work and the nurturing of virtue, rendering a person due reward and punishment according to his or her desert, and the priority of righteousness and harmonious common good over social utility understood in purely hedonists terms. However, I have put equal stress on the right to individual autonomy and self-determination which is an essential element to establish and identify a person's desert and responsibility. The notions of human dignity and worth and the individual right to freedom and equality which were transplanted to the East from the West have under rigorous pressure taken root in the Korean political culture as can be seen in the Korean constitutional history of the recent past. I suppose that the protection of the individual right to autonomy and privacy is an inviolable principle in Korean political morality. I believe that the theory of justice I have espoused in this thesis which comprises the three principles of desert, needs, and legal rights may find its justification in the prevailing political morality of the great majority of contemporary Korean people. Although the principle of justice is eesential and pivotal to building and maintaining a good society, it should not be regarded as an absolutely superior or all-encompassing notion to be applied to resolve any social issues. The principle of utility has a complementary or auxiliary part to play, and sometimes qualifies justice in a way which is necessary for securing the common good.

This thesis is about the changing idea of socialism in post-war Britain with emphasis on the period leading up to, and following from the emergence of Thatcherism as a successful political force. Its focus is upon the interrelation between theory and policy statements in regard to the Labour Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain. As necessarily bound up with the interrelation, the New Left's theoretical understanding of Marxist categories of analysis, are discussed in the light of political theory and practice. The main focus is on how Marxism is gradually transformed, especially in the analysis of 'New Times', from an ideology of rupture into one of adaptation in the 1980s, an era where belief in collectivism was rejected in favour of the discursive, individual subject which has only a plural identity. A discussion of the importance of Marxist categories of analysis is also attempted in connection with the Left's analysis of the changing political environment. Party programmes and other statements are used as a basis for examining the theoretical understanding of socialism; the writings of the most influential of the British and Continental theorists are also discussed. The theoretical debates of the 1950s to the 1970s are surveyed as the starting point for an understanding of the political and theoretical approaches adopted in the 1980s. Finally, an assessment of the use of Marxist categories of analysis such as exploitation is undertaken in order to show how the re-thinking of these categories in relation to the idea of socialism has influenced the left's theory and practice in the epoch of 'New Times'.

The Thesis is based on the hypothesis that the policies of the capitalist state and the form of state itself derive from inherent needs and contradictions of capitalist production and class struggles. In order to test this hypothesis the Thesis examines the 'Mode of Health Maintenance' (MHM) a term used to decribe the set of policies that contribute to the restoration of health, as a process of maintaining the productive capacity of the workforce in the United Kingdom. Health maintenance is provided through a combination of the state's National Health Service (NHS) and the health care providing provident associations which we call Private Health Insurance Companies (PHIC). The Thesis questions the importance of the changes in the MHM from 1948 to 1989 period with particular emphasis on the 1979-89 period. It assesses the potential undermining of the functional-reproductive contribution of the National Health Service or their contribution to the construction of the 'post-fordist' society and the relationship between both the changes and their analysis can give to our theoretical premises. In the pursuit of an answer to the question, the Thesis relates the development of the NHS to the levels of morbidity and absence from the workplace due to health reasons, and to the development and expansion of the PHIC. Additionally the Thesis examines the relation between the development of the PHIC and the so called transition to a 'post-fordist' society. As a methodological approach, the Thesis is an analysis in line with Miliband's study of the relation between theoretical analysis and applied research, using the Mode of Health Maintenance as a case study.