No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Friedrichs-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 1908.

Thesis (doctoral)--Friedrichs-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 1908.

This thesis is a critique of liberal humanitarian representations of violence in the context of Post-Conflict or Post-Authoritarian struggles against impunity. In particular, it addresses the argument of “cultures of impunity” whereby punishing perpetrators of violations of human rights in transitional societies prevents the endorsement of regimes of silence and the normalisation of wrongdoing. Drawing on a Deconstructivist and Disciplinary methodology this thesis argues that debates about punishment or forgiveness in the aftermath of systematic violence have a wider political meaning and a particular historical function. Instead of mere responses to an external reality “punishment vs. impunity” debates also have a productive facet: because they represent violence in a liberal humanitarian frame, they produce a postconflictual ethos that defines (1) the modes of acceptable political resistance in the present and (2) the achievable limits of justice in the future. In order to explain this wider “politics of impunity” this thesis focuses on the Brazilian transitional case, from the end of the Dirty War in the 1970s to the establishment of the National Truth Commission (2012-2014). As such, it rejects the explanation of Brazil as a quintessential “culture of impunity,” a reasoning that blames the amnesty of perpetrators after the militarised dictatorship (1964-1985) for instituting a regime of silence about the past and creating the conditions for an eternal state of exception in Brazil. Although it recognises the merits of this logic, this work argues against it, reassessing the question in a rather different perspective. First, the thesis suggests a methodological twist: moving focus away from the conditions of implementation of justice in post-conflict and post-authoritarian scenarios into the conditions of possibility of the promise of “never again”. This thesis analyses truth commissions, criminal tribunals, and reparation programmes as parts of a historically situated set of disciplines; that is, as the conjunction between a body of knowledge and modes of conduct centred on a specific representation of violence as an intentional, cyclical, and exceptional phenomenon. In other words, it is by narrowing down what violence is that struggles against impunity can promise a future of non-recurrence. Second, the thesis then describes how this representations of violence were mobilised in order to historically produce a postconflictual reality in Brazil. By analysing the trajectory of the memory struggles (1975-) I explain how this postconflictual reality redefined the meaning of political resistance after the Dirty/Cold War, and by looking at the work of the truth commission I describe in what sense it creates a parsimonious promise of justice.

Esta tesis se propone la tarea de cotejar distintas visiones sobre el ser humano y su destino desde el punto de vista del cinismo antiguo (siglo IV a.n.e.), enfrentadas a la situación actual del hombre, sus nuevos cuestionamientos y desafíos, en el entendido de que estamos hoy en una nueva era de reflexión sobre nuestro destino como especie y como sociedad. Esta situación se explica en diferentes aspectos culturales, políticos y tecnológicos que nos permiten, por una parte, descifrar ciertas soluciones a problemas antes insolubles, pero que por otra parte también representan un riesgo si no se les piensa con la rigurosidad que merecen, puesto que toda transformación de nuestros modos de vida es materia de reflexión, con el fin de que sean un beneficio para el humano, y no su autosentencia de muerte. Así, esta investigación planteará cinco tópicos-ejes del cinismo antiguo, los cuales representan, a mi juicio, alternativas posibles para un honesto análisis del hombre actual, el cual sugiere la plausibilidad de concretar proyectos tendientes a una “liberación” del hombre (conceptos que serán tratados con mayor profundidad en los capítulos de la tesis). Estos tópicos-ejes son: transvaloración, libre uso de los cuerpos, cosmopolitismo, parresía y autarquía.

This thesis examines Alexander�s conception of kingship, his relationship with royal traditions in the three great kingdoms of the Near East, and the concomitant transformation of the king�s court by which Alexander created a distinctive royal insignia and introduced new court personnel and protocol. Section I ("Alexander and Near Eastern Kingship") contains Chapters I, II, and III. Section II ("The Transformation") comprises Chapters IV to VI. In Chapter I, I examine the Macedonian background of Alexander�s court and his native conception of kingship. Chapter II is a study of the kingship of Egypt. Chapter III deals with the kingship of Babylon and Persia. I then turn to an analysis of Alexander�s policies towards the Persians and the concept of the "kingship of Asia," as this was understood by Alexander. This crucial concept is to be distinguished from the kingship of Persia, a position which Alexander supplanted and replaced with his personal kingship of Asia. In Section II, three chapters are devoted to an analysis of the transformation of Alexander�s court. Chapter IV covers the origin and significance of Alexander�s royal insignia. Chapter V examines the introduction of, and the role played by, Persians and easterners in the king�s court; and Chapter VI the significance of other Persian court offices.

This thesis examines Alexander�s conception of kingship, his relationship with royal traditions in the three great kingdoms of the Near East, and the concomitant transformation of the king�s court by which Alexander created a distinctive royal insignia and introduced new court personnel and protocol. Section I ("Alexander and Near Eastern Kingship") contains Chapters I, II, and III. Section II ("The Transformation") comprises Chapters IV to VI. In Chapter I, I examine the Macedonian background of Alexander�s court and his native conception of kingship. Chapter II is a study of the kingship of Egypt. Chapter III deals with the kingship of Babylon and Persia. I then turn to an analysis of Alexander�s policies towards the Persians and the concept of the "kingship of Asia," as this was understood by Alexander. This crucial concept is to be distinguished from the kingship of Persia, a position which Alexander supplanted and replaced with his personal kingship of Asia. In Section II, three chapters are devoted to an analysis of the transformation of Alexander�s court. Chapter IV covers the origin and significance of Alexander�s royal insignia. Chapter V examines the introduction of, and the role played by, Persians and easterners in the king�s court; and Chapter VI the significance of other Persian court offices.

The work discusses about the PBX Yate, describes its configuration from the initial installation, through the basic setup and description of the way through the logs of user registration, the syntax for defining the calling plan, including examples, and additional services, including demonstration of practical verification of the functionality in the computer lab. Are also created two samples job for more familiar with the principles of operation and the Yate PBX settings.

Voice over IP (VoIP) is a relatively new technology that enables voice calls over data networks.With VoIP it is possible to lower expenses, and increase functionality and flexibility. FromSwedish Armed Forces point of view, the security issue is of great importance, why the focus inthis report is on the security aspect of the two most common open-source VoIP-protocols H.323and SIP, some of the most common attacks, and counter-measures for those attacks.Because of the level of complexity with a network running H.323 or SIP, and the fact that it hasyet to stand the same level of trial as of traditional telephony, a VoIP-system includes manyknown security-issues, and probably at present many unknown security flaws. The conclusion is that it takes great knowledge and insight about a VoIP-network based onH.323 or SIP to make the network satisfyingly safe as it is today, and is therefore perhaps not asuitable solution for the Swedish Armed Forces today for their more sensitive communications. / Voice over IP (VoIP) är en datakommunkationsteknik som möjliggör röstsamtal överdatanätverk. Med VoIP är det möjligt att sänka kostnader, utöka funktionalitet och flexibilitet.Från Försvarsmaktens perspektiv är säkerhetsfrågan med VoIP av stor vikt, därför läggs speciellfokus för denna rapport på säkerhetsaspekten av de två största öppna VoIP-protokollen H.323och SIP, några av de vanligaste attackerna, och åtgärder mot dessa attacker. Eftersom uppbyggnaden av ett H.323- eller SIP-baserat nätverk är komplext och inte allsbeprövat i samma utsträckning som traditionell telefoni, innehåller det många kända säkerhetshåloch förmodligen för närvarande många okända säkerhetsbrister. Slutsatsen är att det krävs mycket stor kunskap och insikt hur ett VoIP-nätverk baserat på H.323eller SIP fungerar för att göra nätverket tillräckligt säkert i nuläget, vilket gör det till en tveksamttillfredställande lösning för Försvarsmakten idag för deras kommunikation av känsligare slag.

Democracy purports to accurately reflect the choices of the general public. It is justly credited with the creation and expansion of modern mechanisms of redistribution. Yet, in recent decades it appears to have become more of an inhibitor than a catalyst in the pursuit of an equitable society. Those treated most unequally were not bystanders. Both in Britain and Israel, roughly two fifths of them did not support the expansion of the welfare state. This thesis shows their engagement with politics was often different than others. It observes the dynamics in a three-force triangle consisting of poor people, democracy and the welfare state. Even though historically this Triangle fuelled the movement towards progressive redistribution, the findings suggest it is no longer the pivotal engine to mitigate market inequalities. The principal beneficiaries of welfare appear to be incapable of mobilising democracy to expand it. The research indicates that poor people were alarmingly uncommitted to democracy and/or the welfare state. Although these institutions underpinned their social and political rights, many barely recognised how they serve their interests. In addition, the poor could not identify themselves as a collective, were more vulnerable to fallacies, emotions and traditions, and tended to prioritise other policy domains. This thesis challenges the operational definitions of political exclusion and illuminates the need to scrutinise and theorise the political behaviour of the underprivileged electorate. Policy-wise, a new strategy is required to revive relationships between poor people, democracies and welfare states. We should be looking at active and inclusive institutional mechanisms rather than technical solutions of postal or compulsory voting.