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Abstract: Despite a growing body of literature on social movement outcomes, the field is underdeveloped and under theorised. The present analysis innovatively investigates the national policy outcomes of climate change activism in the UK in order to expand on recent advances in the literature. It takes on the challenge set by social movement scholars to increase the theoretical and empirical strength of outcomes research. It does so by incorporating a wide range of movement-related and contextual data using a mixed-method approach and a dual-sequential design, which allows for inductive and deductive exploration within a single study. The thesis analyses three campaigns across the span of 13 years, al lowing for comparison across cases and over time and for a deep investigation into individual cases. In addition, it explores the degree of success achieved throughout the policymaking process in each campaign, as well as drawing comparisons across cases with a diversity of resources, strategies, and tactics. The thesis attempts to explore the substance, context, and mechanisms entailed in the question: How do social movements matter?

Abstract This thesis looks at the relationship between celebrity involvement in conscience capitalist NGO campaigns and the neoliberalisation of the non-profit sector. Conscience capitalism argues for the application of business principles to solve social/environmental problems, and/or the transformation of free-market capitalism to account for sociaVenvironmental externalities. This thesis argues that celebrity-inclusive conscience capitalist campaigns, contrary to constituting a challenge to neoliberalism, offer a means for neoliberalism to become hegemonic in the non-profit sector and to colonise conscience. It uses three case studies (peace One Day, (RED) and the Palestine Solidarity Campaign) and adopts semi- structured interviews, analyses of campaign texts and qualitative content analyses of the campaigns' social media websites, to demonstrate a range of the relationships between celebrity involvement in these types of campaigns and neoliberalism. It identifies the non-profit sector as an increasingly marketised environment, favouring campaigns that focus on uncontroversial issues, that represent the given social/environmental problem in a manner consistent with market solutions, and that disarticulate the problem from contexts in which capitalism might be seen as a contributory factor; while selecting against campaigns that fall outside these criteria. Celebrities perform an integral function in this environment, giving legitimacy to the campaign through eo-branding exercises between campaign and celebrity, and offering models to audiences of how to be an activist; models consistent with consumerism and entrepreneurialism. In doing so, they cite the individual as a central agent in progressive social change and often this represents activists as consumers and locates activism within a market framework. While acknowledging the impressive successes of each of the campaigns studied, this thesis is critical of the decontextualised manner in which they represent social/environmental problems and argues that celebrity involvement in these types of campaigns offers a way for neoliberalism to become hegemonic within the non-profit sector, enabling a neoliberal colonisation of conscience. 1

Taking up the eternally contested, yet inescapable, question of community; this thesis takes for its point of focus the time of 'New Labour' and the millennial effervescence in which 'community' appeared to herald a new dawn of 'third way' politics. Foremost on this agenda, and addressed first in the thesis, was the concept of Community Safety; a field of policing and criminal justice organised around the term 'anti-social behaviour'. The thesis documents the tendency for critical voices to oppose the 'community' requiring this safety first on the basis of its representing post-disciplinary practices of exclusion, and second inasmuch as an ethical imperative to participate in community activities is rendered an arena of power relations. Rather than fully situate the common, and community; within a schematic of power, I seek in this thesis to argue that this return or haunting of community- its insistence - warrants attention on its own terms. Following the work of Jean- Luc Nancy(1991), the thesis follows the thought that community; as the site in which 'the common' is practiced and explored, is not unity but rather the radical, disruptive and productive statement of togetherness in plurality. Utilising empirical material gathered from ethnographic work among community groups in green spaces, the thesis opens two spaces for this contestation; the technical practices of community and the practices of democratic equality located in green space itself. These chapters refer respectively to Bernard Stiegler and Jacques Ranciere, authors who have investigated the force of 'the common' in its disruption of the intimacy of community. Against a 'politics of lost authority' the thesis argues for the enduring transgressions of this intimacy in community practice; a 'politics of the common'. In articulating this argument the thesis seeks to reclaim community both from the 'communitarian' accounts that have sought to put it to work, and from the critical accounts that have sought to clear it away as a question.

This thesis aims to provide Cl better understanding oj how certain features of British localities affect citizens involvement in non-electoral political activities. The first two chapters study the effects of contextual features on self-reported political engagement. Chapter 1 investigates the political consequences of ethnic minority clustering in English local authorities. It provides an empirical assessment of the ethnic community and the racial threat models, which predict that there is more collective political action among majorities and minorities in segregated contexts. The chapter also considers alternative models which predict that there should be less political engagement in ethnically segregated localities due to a lower frequency of inter-group interactions therein. It finds that Asian and black clustering does not affect the degree of collective participation within such groups, but that whites are less likely to develop cooperative political actions in areas with high concentrations of Asians. Chapter 2 analyses how the local economic context shapes citizens' political participation in both individual and collective political actions. It focuses on the political consequences of economic inequality and economic segregation. Existing theories produce contradictory expectations. Some predict greater participation due to the conflict of preferences, while others predict less participation due to political alienation. The chapter concludes that, while inequality generates more individualist political actions, economic segregation encourages collective political actions

This is a study about political participation and the influence that local contexts have on citizens' participatory habits. The question of why some people participate in politics while others do not has spawned a rich body of research. While varied in its scope and focus, the bulk of the empirical studies of political participation, and indeed the major theoretical accounts of participation, center on individual-level characteristics. Previous research has illustrated the importance of factors such as income, education and other sociodemographic and attitudinal variables in explanations of political participation. However, even after controlling for these, there still exists significant variation in participation across communities. That is, beyond the effect that the characteristics of individuals have on participation, different aspects of the social and political environment in which individuals operate, have an effect on their behavior. In this thesis it is argued that the social and political environment structures incentives for participation in several ways. The institutional and social character of a person's community has a direct effect on their political behavior. Community-level factors also affect political participation indirectly. While there is good evidence that individual-level characteristics in the form of resources, motivation and mobilization drive political participation, this thesis argues that the effects of these are mediated by the institutional and social context within which individuals find themselves. The study also makes a case for treating different forms of political participation separately. It is argued that the contextual factors explored in the thesis have varying effects on individual types of participation. In order to test these arguments, the thesis analyzes the effects of community racial diversity, local government institutions and social capital on both electoral and nonelectoral political participation in American cities. The data used for this study come from several sources. Individual-level survey data come from the 2000 Social Capital Community Benchmark survey-a survey of close to 30,000 individuals across the United States. Respondents to this survey are matched with sociodemographic data on their place of residence and information on local government finances from the United States Census and the Census of Governments as well as data from the International City/County Management Association's Municipal Form of Government survey, containing information on the form and size of local government, provisions for direct democracy and local electoral rules among others. Combined, these sources of data provide information on roughly 15,000 individuals nested in over 1000 cities.

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The growing internationalisation of governance in the modern era means that states are increasingly interconnected. In this process, democratic governance has often taken second place to the demands of a neoliberal system that emphasises market-based solutions to social organisation and deregulation of structures based in the democratic realm of states. This dissertation is an exploration of the role democracy plays in regional governance bodies, focusing specifically on the European Parliament and its role in the European Union as an example of this. The dissertation argues that there is a role for democracy in global governance, and that the European Parliament represents a positive step towards introducing the wishes of citizens into political structures above the level of the state. It uses a three-stage immanent criticism developed from the early work of Max Horkheimer to explore the parliament in its historical, present, and potential functions. Built on a critical philosophy that understands the social world as a product of historically materialist action, this dissertation seeks not just to describe the functions of the Parliament, but also to suggest ways in which they might develop past their current limitations. Following a methodological discussion on the application of immanent criticism, the dissertation engages in a theoretical analysis of the complex concepts of democracy and governance as a prelude to the exploration of the Parliament. The dissertation then utilises a range of interviews and documentary evidence to present a thesis that has two main claims. Firstly, it argues that the European Parliament represents a new form of democratic regional structure that represents both states and citizens, and introduces an element of democratic accountability to governance above the level of nation states. Secondly, the thesis contends that the Parliament, as part of the wider Union, possesses the potential for greater democratic function. In making this argument, the dissertation suggests a range of practical ways to improve democracy and governance in the Parliament, and by extension in other similar regional political bodies. These include the introduction of greater democratic influence on decision making, increased transparency, dedicated European political parties, and a stronger role for civil society bodies. The dissertation concludes that democratic governance has the potential to present an alternative to the dominant neoliberal structures that currently shape much of the international political, economic, and social environment.

« Quelle sociologie pour quelle démocratie ? Rationalité politique et émancipation » a pour ambition d’interroger les liens entre l’épistémologie, la théorie sociologique et la posture ou le type d’engagement du sociologue dans la cité. Il s’agit d’explorer les conditions de possibilité d’une théorie critique, non idéologique, mais fondée en raison sociologique.Une première partie, s’appuyant sur des recherches actions, s’intéresse à la question de la participation des citoyens. Un premier exemple, une sociologie du Théâtre de l’opprimé, montre comment ce type d’intervention peut être interprété comme un dispositif de subjectivation politique. Un deuxième exemple pose la question de la participation à partir d’une tout autre conception du social. A l’occasion de l’élaboration d’un dispositif de participation citoyenne sur le territoire de Feyzin, nous avons tenté d’articuler une sociologie particulière (théorie de l’acteur-réseau) et une conception de la raison pratique (avec Vincent Descombes) pour construire une Conférence riveraine. Dans ces deux cas ce sont les liens entre paradigme sociologique et modalités d’intervention démocratique qui sont examinés. Une seconde partie, plus épistémologique, s’intéresse au fonctionnement de la discipline sociologique et présente trois tentatives d’élaboration d’une posture qui vise à mettre en son centre la notion (et la pratique) d’espace de controverse. Le premier exemple fait retour sur la Querelle allemande des sciences sociales car cette querelle est exemplaire, à la fois d’une controverse qui tente d’explorer les différents arguments disponibles, à un moment donné, mais aussi, d’un point de vue plus substantiel, pose les fondements de deux interprétations du monde social qui sont toujours actives dans les débats contemporains. Le deuxième se situe à un niveau plus théorique, et, à partir d’un colloque qui réunissait différents auteurs partisans d’une théorie de l’activité pour penser le travail, tente de mettre au jour un point de vue de l’activité qui pourrait être commun à l’ensemble de ces auteurs. L’idée est assez simple : il s’agit de contribuer à construire une cumulativité et un point d’accord dont les auteurs pourraient se revendiquer (notamment dans une perspective politique). Enfin, le troisième prend le risque d’explorer ce que l’on appelle parfois un point de vue « postanthropocentré » (ou « désanthropocentré », les termes sont bien loin d’être stabilisés) en sciences sociales. Si l’on prend au sérieux la question d’un approfondissement de la démocratie, jusqu’où peut-on (doit-on) aller dans cette direction ? Que peut signifier pour la sociologie l’idée de prendre en compte les « non-humains » ? C’est ainsi, au moyen de ces multiples angles d’attaque, que ce travail propose de déployer notre interrogation sur les relations entre épistémologie, sociologie et politique. / " What sociology for which democracy? Political rationality and emancipation " has for ambition to question the links between the epistemology, the sociological theory and the posture or the kind of commitment of the sociologist in the city. It is a question of exploring the conditions of possibility of a critical, not ideological theory, but established in sociological reason. A first part, leaning on researches-actions, is interested in the question of the participation of the citizens. A first example, a sociology of the Theater of the oppressed, shows how this type of intervention can be interpreted as a device of political subjectivation. The second example raises the question of the participation from quite a different design of the social. On the occasion of the elaboration of a device of participation citizen on the territory of Feyzin, we tried to articulate a particular sociology (theory of the actor-network) and a design of the reason has a practice (with Vincent Descombes) to build a citizen Conference. In these two cases it is the links between sociological paradigm and modalities of democratic intervention that are examined. A more epistemological, second part, is interested in the functioning of the sociological discipline and presents three attempts of elaboration of a posture which aims at putting in its center the notion (and the practice) of « space of controversy ». The first example makes return on the German Quarrel of the social sciences because this quarrel is exemplary, at the same time of a controversy which tries to explore the various available arguments, at some point, but also, from a more substantial point of view, puts the foundations of two interpretations of the social world which are always active in the contemporary debates. The second is situated at a more theoretical level, and, from a colloquium which gathered various partisan authors of a theory of the activity to think of the work, of tent to bring to light a point of view of the activity which could be common to all these authors. The idea is rather simple : it is a question of contributing to build a cumulativity and a point all right the authors of which could claim to be (in particular in a political perspective). Finally, the third takes the risk of exploring what we sometimes call a point of view " postanthropocentric" (or " desanthropocentric ", the terms are far from being stabilized) in social sciences. If we take seriously the question of a deepening of the democracy, to where do we can go in this direction? What can mean for the sociology the idea to take into account the "non-human beings" ? It is so, by means of these multiple angles of attack, that this work suggests displaying our interrogation on the relations between epistemology, sociology and politics.

La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.