Prif nod y traethawd hwn yw tafoli a chymharu effeithiolrwydd polisïau iaith mewn addysg tair llywodraeth is-wladwriaethol yn eu hymdrechion i integreiddio mewnfudwyr i'w cymunedau iaith lleiafrifol. Trwy gynnal ymchwiliad empeiraidd traws-ryngwladol yng Nghatalwnia, Cymru a Québec, mae'r gwaith yn esgor ar ateb i'r prif gwestiwn ymchwil canlynol sef, I ba raddau y gall polisïau iaith mewn addysg hwyluso integreiddiad mewnfudwyr i gymunedau iaith lleiafrifol? Mae'r ffaith fod yr ymchwil wedi'i seilio ar dair astudiaeth achos yn arwain at ddealltwriaeth ddyfnach o'r hyn y gellid ei wneud gan lywodraethau i fynd i'r afael â mewnfudo drwy ddefnyddio un o'r prif sefydliadau sy'n gyfrifol am gynnal ac adfer iaith, sef y system addysg. Trwy'r tair astudiaeth achos, gellir gweld i ba raddau mae'n bosibl i lywodraethau ymateb drwy bolisïau iaith mewn addysg ym maes addysg statudol ac anstatudol. Mae'r traethawd hefyd yn ymchwilio i'r graddau y gall y ffactorau cefndirol megis demograffi, y cyd-destun cyfansoddiadol-wleidyddol a'r hinsawdd economaidd ddylanwadu ar natur y broses ac effeithiolrwydd y polisïau hyn. Mae gan yr ymchwil ddau brif gyfraniad. Mae'r cyntaf yn ymwneud â'r drafodaeth academaidd ar fewnfudo. Gan fod yr ymchwil yn ddarn o waith empeiraidd wedi'i seilio ar theorïau sy'n bodoli yn y llenyddiaeth cynllunio iaith ac addysg ddwyieithog, mae'r gwaith ymchwil yn cyfrannu, yn y lle cyntaf, at feysydd academaidd megis cymdeithaseg iaith, polisi a chynllunio iaith ac addysg, ac yn fwy cyffredinol, gwyddor wleidyddol. Mae'r ddoethuriaeth yn cynnig atebion ynglŷn â rõl a chyfraniad y system addysg yn y broses o integreiddio mewnfudwyr i'r gymuned iaith ac yn darparu gwybodaeth newydd ar brosesau adfer iaith a'r ffactorau a'r amodau sy'n amharu arnynt. Yn ogystal, mae canfyddiadau'r ymchwil yn cymryd cam tuag at gyfoethogi'r llenyddiaeth drwy ddangos y modd y mae ffactorau cefndirol yn dylanwadu ar allu'r polisïau iaith mewn addysg hyn i sicrhau integreiddiad ieithyddol. Yn ail, mae sail empeiraidd yr ymchwil yn golygu y gall fwydo'n ôl i drafodaethau ymarferol ymysg gwneuthurwyr polisi ym maes polisi iaith ac addysg hefyd. Felly, yn ogystal â chyfrannu at drafodaethau mwy academaidd, mae canfyddiadau'r ymchwil yn darparu ffynhonnell ymchwil werthfawr i'r rheiny sy'n chwarae rôl fwy ymarferol yn y broses o adfer iaith yng Nghatalwnia, Cymru a Québec ac yn rhoi syniad o'r hyn y gellid ei wneud yn realistig trwy gyfres o bolisïau.

Amcan y traethawd hwn yw ystyried sut gall egwyddorion rhyddfrydol gyfrannu at oleuo ein dealltwriaeth o foesoldeb y broses o adfer ieithoedd lleiafrifol. Eir ati i ystyried y mater hwn trwy osod dau gwestiwn ymchwil penodol. Yn gyntaf, gofynnir sut dylai rhyddfrydwyr gysyniadoli statws moesol y nod cyffredinol o adfer iaith? Yn ail, ystyrir i ba raddau y mae rhai o’r camau ymarferol a gymerir wrth geisio gwireddu nod o’r fath yn arwain at dramgwyddo egwyddorion rhyddfrydol. Rhennir y traethawd yn ddwy ran, ac fe drafodir y cyntaf o’r cwestiynau hyn yn ystod y rhan gyntaf, a’r ail gwestiwn yn ystod yr ail ran. Yn achos y cwestiwn cyntaf, dangosir nad oes dim byd annerbyniol, o safbwynt rhyddfrydol, ynglŷn ag adferiad iaith. Ond, ar yr un pryd, gwelir na all rhyddfrydwyr gysyniadoli’r dasg fel rhywbeth sy’n hanfodol o safbwynt cyfiawnder, gan y byddai hynny’n arwain at broblemau moesol sylweddol. O ganlyniad, cesglir taw fel gweithred dderbyniol y dylid cysyniadoli adferiad iaith; un o’r amrediad eang o bethau sy’n gwbl briodol i lywodraethau rhyddfrydol-democrataidd geisio’u cyflawni pan fo hynny’n adlewyrchu casgliadau a ddaethpwyd iddynt ar sail trafodaethau democrataidd agored a theg, ond eto nid rhywbeth sy’n hanfodol o safbwynt cyfiawnder. Yn achos yr ail gwestiwn, cydnabyddir fod rhai polisïau adferol yn camu dros drothwy’r hyn a ystyrir yn dderbyniol gan ryddfrydwyr. Fodd bynnag, dadleuir mai eithriadau’n unig yw’r rhain, a bod y mwyafrif helaeth o’r polisïau a weithredwyd wrth geisio adfer sefyllfa gwahanol ieithoedd lleiafrifol yn tueddu i gydorwedd yn gwbl gyfforddus gydag egwyddorion rhyddfrydol.

The thesis begins from the observation that religion has become an object of considerable public and IR-disciplinary debate, centred on the increasing political assertiveness of many religious groups and movements and the apparent complicity of religion in violent conflict around the world. It is proposed that this ‘politics about religion’ should be understood as fought out within and through discourses that construct the meaning of religion, that shape ideas about its proper character and purpose, and that influence the form it can take in society. Within this general objective, the thesis has three interrelated aims. It seeks to denaturalise the concept of religion as it is conventionally used in international politics, politicise its construction, and examine the contribution of thinking about security in the liberal tradition to the production of specific contemporary discourses of religion. The thesis identifies and denaturalises two prominent assumptions about religion, namely, that it is a separate domain of human activity and a genus. The partial and contested character of these ways of imagining religion often goes unrecognised, but they derive from particular liberal security strategies for ending the Wars of Religion. That such traditions of thought underpin much scholarship on religion in international politics and continue to inform security responses to religious violence is argued to be problematic; this is because they rely on empirically questionable assumptions, are contested politically, displace conflict rather than resolving it, and are bound up with the legitimation of a liberal political order, its imagination of security, and the forms of religion compatible with it. The argument that these particular discourses of religion are being articulated as part of contemporary liberal responses to religious violence is illustrated by Tony Blair’s representation of Islam when he was Prime Minister of the UK. The thesis concludes that because the meaning of religion is likely to remain a divisive question at the centre of international politics in the coming decades, those who study and practice it must be cognisant of the politics involved in all statements about religion – including their own.

This thesis argues that regional-global collaborations for the protection of civilians can be understood through the lens of the collective legitimation function of international organisations. Such a perspective attempts to go beyond – not supplant – the existing explanations for the performance of regional-global collaborations that focus on material, legal and political factors. The thesis builds on Katharina Coleman’s important theoretical framework that she calls a global legitimacy pyramid, but it also supplements it. While Coleman’s model acknowledges that all international organisations have some legitimating potential, it was not her central focus to develop this argument. Doing so is my point of departure for the thesis. With my complements, the model provides for stronger emphasis on the agency and the legitimacy contests at the regional and sub-regional levels. This perspective is used to shed new light on the AU-UN relationship, and on the consensus position that has emerged between a majority of member states in both the AU and the UN that the AU was best placed to take the political and military lead in the response to the conflict in Darfur. The research questions of the project are: (1) when the UNSC chooses to exercise its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security through a regional organisation, how can the impacts of this decision best be analysed? And (2) how did the AU-UN relationship impact on civilian protection in the case of Darfur? With the notion of ‘co-dependency’ I attempt to show that both organisations’ legitimacy is dependent upon being seen to contribute to the provision of international peace and security.

Asesiad yw'r traethawd hwn o effeithiolrwydd y Mentrau Iaith yng Nghymru. Mewn cyd-destun a?u gwelodd yn esblygu i fod yn brif actorion a gweithredwyr polisi tuag at yr iaith ar y gwastad lleol, hanfod ein dadl yw bod eu sefydlu wedi bod yn seiliedig ar ragdybiaethau ynghylch pwysigrwydd y 'cymunedol? ar gyfer hybu adfywiad ieithyddol. Ar gyfer archwilio?r wedd hon olrheinir datblygiad y cysyniad o gymuned ynghyd ? dau gysyniad cysylltiol, datblygu cymunedol ac ymbweru cymunedol. Llunnir model cymunedol cyfoes, a ganiat? edrych ar newidiadau a ddigwydd pan symudir oddi wrth gymunedau mwy sefydlog tuag at rai mwy llac eu gwead. Ystyrir sut y daethpwyd i ddeall ystyr y cymunedol yn y cyd-destun Cymreig, sut y bu i gymunedau'r Gymraeg brofi newidiadau pellgyrhaeddol, ond hefyd sut y bu i'r dimensiwn hwn barhau?n ddylanwadol yn y ddisgwrs ynghylch sicrhau eu dyfodol, a ffurfiannol wrth lunio polisi. Trafodir perthnasedd cynllunio ieithyddol ac olrheinir tarddiad y Mentrau, ynghyd ? sylwebaeth gynnar ar eu rhagoriaethau a'u gwendidau posib. Gan gyflwyno persbectif damcaniaethol newydd, fe gynigir model o'r Gymraeg mewn perthynas ?'i chymunedau heddiw- un a'i gw?l yn symud oddi wrth y tiriogaethol ble mae?n fwyafrifol a'r rhwydweithio yn ddigymell, tuag at un leiafrifol ble y rhwydweithir yn ymwybodol a dewisol. Gosodir pedair astudiaeth achos (Mentrau Iaith M?n, Gwendraeth-Elli, Conwy a Chaerdydd) oddi fewn i fatrics er mwyn adlewyrchu'r ddeinameg gymunedol-ieithyddol a gynhwysir yn y model. Astudir dogfennaeth berthynol, a?i gyfuno ? chyfweld ansoddol dwys, i holi sut y cymhwysa?r Mentrau?r gysyniadaeth gymunedol y dadleuwn sy?n greiddiol i?w gweledigaeth. Prif gasgliadau?r ymchwil yw bod y Mentrau yn ymdrechu yn egn?ol a chydwybodol i hyrwyddo?r Gymraeg yn y cyd-destun cymunedol, ond os am gynyddu eu heffeithiolrwydd, fod y dimensiwn hwn yn un y dylid ei gyflenwi ? strategaethau mwy cydlynol a chenedlaethol, gyredig gan fwy o ewyllys gwleidyddol.

This thesis seeks to analyse and rethink the treatment of the concept of cause in contemporary International Relations theorising. It is argued that International Relations theorising, in line with the dominant philosophical traditions in twentieth century philosophy of science and social science, is deeply informed by an empiricist `Humean' philosophy of causation. The acceptance of Humean assumptions concerning causation leads to an array of meta-theoretical and theoretical problems in the discipline, notably to the dichotomisation of `causal' and `non-causal' approaches and the tendencies towards theoretical reductionism. The thesis seeks to rethink the Humean framing of causation through `deepening' and 'broadening' the meaning of the concept of cause. Causation is given ontological grounding through following the insights of philosophical realism. The ontological deepening of the concept of cause allows us to overcome some of the key methodological, epistemological and ontological problems of the `rationalist' causal theorists in International Relations, while avoiding the anti-causal conclusions of the `reflectivist' theorists. Moreover, it is argued that through revisiting the Aristotelian philosophy of causation we can develop more nuanced understandings of the different ways in which social causes work and, crucially, interact. It is argued that broadening the concept of cause allows us to conceptualise not just `pushing and pulling' causes, but also `constraining and enabling' conditioning causes. The deeper and broader account of cause allows us to deal with some of the central metatheoretical and theoretical problems that Humeanism has given rise to in International Relations theorising. The causal-constitutive theory dichotomy can be seen as misleading. Also, through adopting the philosophical and conceptual tools advanced here, International Relations theorising can be directed towards more ontologically holistic, methodologically pluralist and epistemologically reflective causal analyses of world politics.

The thesis aims to develop a theoretical perspective for studying illegal protection-seeking migration, and possible responses to this movement adopted by the receiving communities. Using the security dilemma as the framework of analysis, the discussion will be conducted through the theoretical perspective provided by emancipatory security theory. The thesis has three parts. In Part I, the insecurity experienced by illegal sub-Saharan protection-seekers during their journey will be analyzed based on some accounts publicized by various civil society organizations. Part II will develop the theoretical perspective by combining the literatures on refugee and forced migration studies, security dilemma theorizing, normative approaches in IR, and trust-building in world politics. Key concepts such as ‘protection-seeker’ and ‘cosmopolitan trust’ will be developed. In Part III, the logics of immigration security dilemma will be illustrated with special reference to illegal sub-Saharan protection-seeking migration in the EU. The thesis will conclude that Europe’s immigration security dilemma in relation to illegal sub-Saharan protection-seekers can be transcended through building cosmopolitan trust, which manifests itself as Kantian hospitality.

No description available.

This thesis is a history of a hitherto unexplored dimension of Britain’s engagement with the post-war Middle East with a particular focus on intelligence and security aspects. More specifically, it examines the counter-subversive policies and measures conducted by the British Intelligence and Security Services, and Britain’s secret propaganda apparatus, the Information Research Department (IRD) of the Foreign Office, in Middle Eastern countries, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and Iran, during the period between 1949 and 1963. This thesis is also about intelligence liaison – the relationship between British Intelligence and Security Services and their Middle Eastern counterparts. This thesis argues that the British Empire declined between 1949 and 1963; in this, intelligence was understood by British policymakers as a tool to maintain British influence and preserve British strategic and economic interests in the Middle East. The imperial drive derived from a mixture of strategic and economic interests in the region but it was Britain’s anti-Communist attitudes which were shared with Middle Eastern governments. This was the context in which intelligence liaison was established between Britain and Middle Eastern states on the basis of their common interests. Although Britain’s anti-Communist policy contributed to preventing the spread of Communist movements in the region, it sought to strengthen the repressive capability of Middle Eastern governments which undermined their own political position by their repressiveness. An unintended consequence was that the Middle Eastern governments conducted counter-subversion not only against Communists, but also their own people. This thesis concludes that Britain’s anti-Communist policy sustained British influence and British interests in the region in the short term, but failed to sustain its objectives in the long term. It demonstrates the importance of common interests in encouraging intelligence liaison and the significance of conflicting interests in restricting it.

This thesis focuses on the lived experience of social scientific practice and processes of subject formation in the academic discipline of International Relations. It draws inspiration from Michel Foucault’s philosophy and critical ethos of self-transformation with special emphasis on his early writings on aesthetics, knowledge and discourse as well as his late Collège de France lectures on ethics. The genre and project of the ‘experience book’ takes Foucault’s self-transformative ethos seriously by translating it into action, into actual practice. As such, it provides a first person narrative of some of the ways in which ‘we’, professionals of the field, become sub-jects of particular experiences in the ‘disciplinary life’ of IR as academic knowers, thinkers, readers and writers. Through a series of accounts of the self, that is, through my own attempts at narrative reconstruction of the constitution of my scholarly sub-jectivity in the subfields of ‘sovereignty’ discourses and what we may call ‘Foucaul-tian IR’, the thesis develops a subjective, insider’s view of the experience of being in discourse and some of its subjectivating effects. As a political project the very pro-cess of the writing of this thesis is an effort to negotiate these discursive forces: the thesis sets out to cultivate alternative subjectivities and modes of being in discourse for the self and others. Through the exploration of the desubjectifying potentials of narrative writing the experience books seeks to open up possibilities to remake scien-tific experience by problematizing some of those unreflected everyday academic practices that reinforce and perpetuate disciplinary identities. Ultimately, it seeks to work towards the transformation of academic practice (and academic experience) in-to a site of resistance to contemporary forms of government.