The First Permanent Ottoman-Turkish Embassy in Europe: The Embassy of Yusuf Agah Efendi to London (1793-1797) One of the reforms of the Nizam-i Cedid (New order) concerned diplomatic practice and this thesis examines the establishment of the first permanent Ottoman embassy to London and the work of the first permanent ambassador Yusuf Agah Efendi from 1793 to 1797. The work discusses the style of the reports submitted by Ottoman ambassadors before the establishment of the permanent embassy to London. The preparations for the embassy and the discussions between the Reis Efendi and the British ambassador about its establishment are also studied. In addition, the journey to London, the early days of the embassy in London and the conduct of the embassy are analysed. The diplomatic activities of Yusuf Agah indicate that he was responsible for protecting his country's interests against Russian propaganda. Another concern was the intermittent clashes between the French and British warships inside Ottoman territorial waters; namely the Mikonos and Nemesis affairs. His reports on the Anglo-Russian treaty, and on Denmark and Sweden are analysed. Yusuf Agah's remarks on Francis Jackson's appointment as ambassador to Istanbul and on the Tunisian envoy are also studied. As ambassador he was principal defender of Ottoman subjects' commercial interests and was also responsible for protecting their rights according to international law and treaty agreements between the Ottoman empire and Britain. He was also charged by the Sultan to recruit military experts from Britain for service in the Ottoman empire. He also introduced to the British people Ottoman- Turkish customs. His public inauguration in 1795 was one of the greatest ceremonial events in Britain in the last decade of the eighteenth century. The press paid an enormous amount of attention to him and everything concerned with his embassy. The thesis also analyses the end of his mission and his return to Istanbul. The thesis examines in detail the reports of Yusuf Agah (Havadisname-i ingiltere and the account of his secretary, Mahmud Raif, in which each describes his, views and impressions of Britain and British institutions it, particular the military, financial, political organisations. Both Turkish and British sources agree that the Ottoman state adhered to European diplomatic regulations and understood the importance of reciprocal diplomacy between states in the late eighteenth century.

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This thesis aims at analysing the Europeanization of British and French foreign, security and defence policies through a moderate constmctivist approach, with a view to question its utility. It uses case studies, process-tracing, and interviews, covering the period from the estabhshment of Common Foreign and Security Policy until 2007. However, in order to provide provide the background to the cases under investigation, analysis of the period before has been included where necessary.

The beginning of the twenty-first century will witness an unprecedented expansion of the European Union, with ten new members joining in 2004 and more seeking to follow. Compared to past expansions, the current and forthcoming enlargements possess a number of sui generis characteristics. Of these, it is noticeable that a majority of new member countries are small. In addition, the economic, political and historical backgrounds of new small member states are very different from those of the current EU membership. In this context, there is a conventional wisdom that the accession of a large number of new small member states has the potential to create challenges to the future development of the enlarged EU. These challenges will be manifested in the decision-making process of the EU, the implementation of a wide range of its policies, and the governance of its institutions. However, this thesis will attempt to argue that this conventional view may not necessarily be correct. Thus, focusing on new small member countries, this thesis will identify, isolate and analyse the implications of their accession for the future development of the EU. The likely economic effects will first be addressed from two perspectives. The regional policy of the EU and its CAP will be examined in order to make sense of the immediate economic impact and, then, in order to take a more comprehensive view, three other areas - the internal market, monetary union and trade policy - will also be included in this study. While the main business of the EU remains predominantly in the economic sphere, nevertheless, there are a number of non-economic issues that also require our attention. This is primarily due to the argument that these are areas where challenges are also expected as a result of the accession of a large number of new small member states. We will thus focus on the future development of the CFSP and the future governance of EU institutions. This research will apply an (implied) model of small states' behaviour and reactions to specific situations namely, various aspects of EU policy-making, the implementation of its policies and the governance of its institutions. The model will be built on the basis of the general and distinctive characteristics of small states, and has served to identify the possible implications for the future integration process of the EU. The theoretical framework will be built by adopting intergovernmentalism as the core theory, but other integration theories will also be referred to with a view to complementing this core theory with some refinements. With this in mind, this study will develop the contention that the current and upcoming enlargements which embrace a large number of new small member states should not necessarily be viewed as negative to the future development of the EU, as the conventional wisdom presumes. This is because taking full account of the position of new small state members, and their likely behaviour within the environment which EU membership imposes upon them, leads to the conclusion that the conventional view is not the only possible outcome.

This thesis challenges the consensual scholarly expectation of low EU impact in Central Asia. In particular, it claims that by focusing predominantly on narrow, micro-level factors, the prevailing theoretical perspectives risk overlooking less obvious aspects of the EU?s power, including structural aspects, and thus tend to underestimate the EU?s leverage in the region. Therefore, the thesis argues that a more structurally integrative and holistic approach is needed to understand the EU?s power in the region. In responding to this need, the thesis introduces a conceptual tool, which it terms „transnational power over? (TNPO). Inspired by debates in IPE, in particular new realist and critical IPE perspectives, and combining these views with insights from neorealist, neo-institutionalist and constructivist approaches to EU external relations, the concept of TNPO is an analytically eclectic notion, which helps to assess the degree to which, in today?s globalised and interdependent world, the EU?s power over third countries derives from its control over a combination of material, institutional and ideational structures, making it difficult for the EU?s partners to resist the EU?s initiatives or to reject its offers. In order to trace and assess the mechanisms of EU impact across these three structures, the thesis constructs a toolbox, which centres on four analytical distinctions: (i) EU-driven versus domestically driven mechanisms, (ii) mechanisms based on rationalist logics of action versus mechanisms following constructivist logics of action, (iii) agent-based versus purely structural mechanisms of TNPO, and (iv) transnational and intergovernmental mechanisms of EU impact. Using qualitative research methodology, the thesis then applies the conceptual model to the case of EU-Central Asia. It finds that the EU?s power over Central Asia effectively derives from its control over a combination of material, institutional and ideational structures, including its position as a leader in trade and investment in the region, its (geo)strategic and security-related capabilities vis-à-vis Central Asia, as well as the relatively dense level of institutionalisation of its relations with the five countries and the positive image of the EU in Central Asia as a more neutral actor.

The Lisbon Treaty introduced one of the most far reaching reforms of the EU foreign policy system. This has been particularly noticeable in the example of the rotating Presidency of the EU Council. By transferring the functions formerly associated with the Presidency to the newly established actors, the President of the European Council and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Presidency’s role has been severely limited. Yet with only limited formal provisions, the practical arrangements were to be clarified in due course of the implication phase. This thesis explores this phase by tracing the processes of the implementation and informal adaptation of the Treaty’s provisions in the post-Lisbon context of EU foreign policy making. The analytical framework incorporating new institutionalist and role-based insights aims to capture the institutional development of the Presidency’s role as an outcome of the institutional feedback and particular role making of the first Member States in the chair. The proposed model of role institutionalisation is argued to explore mechanisms of institutional change in a more in-depth manner as a constitutive process at the structural and agential levels. The concept of role making is used to capture and explore the influence of Spain, Belgium, Hungary and Poland on the inter-institutional positioning and functional scope of the post-Lisbon Presidency. At the national level of analysis, the individual role enactment of these countries reflects their national preferences towards both the system of European foreign policy and national role conceptions. At the same time, however, their individual role making is both enabled and/or constrained by the emerging system of the post-Lisbon foreign policy making (institutional feedback), and by a set of factors at the national, European and international levels. Consequently, the analysis confirms the added value of applying role theory while studying the Presidency, as well as highlights its analytical usefulness in exploring the process of institutional change.

Based on Foucault's work on the rationalities of government (governmentality) and Bourdieu's study of practices (philosophy of action), this thesis seeks to examine the case of cross-border mobility by way of analysing knowledge-production, instruments of governing and practices in the EU's relations with the states of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The thesis shows that EU attempts at governing cross-border mobility do not merely aim to foster regulated mobility between the EU and its neighbours, but are also inherently linked to the EU's efforts to shape the EaP states to its own standards and practices of governing. Using the case studies of i) border management capacity-building, ii) facilitation of short-term travel and iii) labour migration, the study argues that while the EU's rationalities of governing remain largely controlling and disciplinary, the study of the microcosm of daily practices reveals some emergent rationalities of 'governing at a distance', which increasingly draw on the interplay of both the EU's interests and partners' needs. To this end, it does not merely present issues of cross-border mobility from the perspective of either 'inclusion' or 'imposition of constraints', but rather by way of seeking to govern the external space by making the Other 'capable of bearing a kind of regulated freedom' (Rose & Miller; 2008: 53). The thesis' key contributions are (i) conceptual involving ontological examination of the wider changes in the EU management of (in)security, and focus of a paradigmatic shift from the EU directly-controlling 'governance' to a more nuanced form of diffused 'governmentality', or governing at distance, and its effectiveness; and (ii) methodological, combining the study of knowledge-production and instruments of governing with daily practices, hitherto applied separately, but in this research proving instrumental for understanding the EU management of insecurities and its sustainability. Empirically (iii), the thesis provides new data on the three case studies, particularly, highlighting the extent to which the EU's attempts at governing are transposed to the micro-level of daily practices. In the context of the on-going migration crisis, the eastern neighbourhood provides some important lesson-drawing for the management of cross-border mobility in the wider neighbourhood and beyond.

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