The research studies reported in this thesis extend over a 5-year period of my own growth and development as a researcher and teacher. Two themes run in parallel. The first theme was improvement in skills in implementing objective research to assess behaviour change resulting from childcare and teacher training programmes. The second theme was the clarification and explanation of my own role and behaviour as a trainer of teachers and childcare workers. The theoretical framework used for the objective research was applied behaviour analysis and the one used to explain my behaviour was Argyris and Schon's (1974) theory of action with its two different theories-in-use. Model I is where people strive to satisfy the governing variables of defining goals and trying to achieve them; winning not losing; minimising negative feelings; and being rational. This creates conditions where only single-loop learning is possible. Single-loop learning is where people adopt new actions to realise their governing variables. However double-loop learning, where we learn to change the governing variables themselves, is only possible with a Model II theory-in-use i.e. where people strive to give and get valid information, make free and informed choices and generate internal commitment to the choices. During Study I my own behaviour as a researcher and teacher could be explained in terms of Model I. I adopted a rigorous research model for the research and a traditional authoritarian model for the teaching. However I perceived a mismatch between what I said (Model II) and what I did (Model I), also I did not like the 'behavioural world' my research activities had created. I wanted to be an effective teacher and an effective researcher yet the two seemed incompatible. The rigorous research methods I was using to evaluate my teaching were limiting the quality of learning and teaching. In Study 1 the effects of training 8 childcare students in two childcare centres using Specific Instruction, Graphic Feedback and Daily Verbal Feedback were evaluated for three caregiver behaviours: non-verbal, verbal and participation (in activities, childcare and housework). This first study showed that when the unilaterally controlling methods of rigorous research were combined with authoritarian teaching, conditions were produced which explained only how people would behave under similar circumstances of control and generalisation was limited. In Study 2 the effects of training 8 childcare supervisors to train their staffs in eight childcare centres using a training package which included Negotiated Instruction, Practice and Feedback were evaluated for three caregiver behaviours: talking with children and adults; socio-emotional (positive and negative); and participation (in activities, childcare and housework). During Study 2 I tried to make the transition from Model I to Model II and moved to teaching where I shared control through negotiating the curriculum and research which included social validation measures. However on reflecting on the outcomes of Study 2 I realised that I was still continuing to do Model I research (where I unilaterally controlled and master-minded the research design, goals and procedures) whereas in contrast in my teaching role I had simply adopted a role which was opposite of Model I (i.e. I had handed control over to the participants). However Study 2 showed that when rigorous research was combined with a negotiated curriculum (unilateral control and shared control) more generalisation occurred. Results indicated that childcare supervisors could effect significant changes in their own behaviour after a training package of negotiated instruction, feedback and practice. Further, they could transfer skills learned to their staffs. These changes were only achieved when: (1) A mismatch could be shown between what the supervisors and staff said and what they did and they judged the behaviour to be important and desirable; (2) Feedback on performance was provided to the supervisors by the experimenter and to the staffs by their supervisors; (3) Opportunities for comparisons of performance were provided (either within-subjects or between-subject); and (4) Supervisors could negotiate to learn the specific skills they needed e.g. how to give positive and negative feedback to staff. Following Study 2 I continued to try to match my espoused views with my practice in my teaching and integrate teaching and research within a Model II framework. I felt that teaching and research need not be separate activities if the data generated could be used for clients' learning and skills learned generalised to the 'real' world. I therefore taught an exploratory course involving aspects of self-control by participants and shared control over course goals and methods. Experience in teaching this course suggested that when socially significant goals were targeted and students collected their own baseline data, data were generated which course members could use to understand, and in some cases solve, their own problems. Creating conditions which fostered psychological ownership of goals and methods for changing behaviour (giving clients choices; working on behaviours clients judged important and desirable; creating favourable attitudes towards training; and giving clients responsibility for implementation), appeared to enhance the occurrence of generalisation. The thesis, then, arrives at two fundamental propositions. The first is that the process of conducting rigorous applied research (e.g. research-determined and specified hypotheses, predetermined measures, research design etc.) reinforces the discovery and invention of single-loop solutions only. The second is that research and training programmes that attempt to embody Argyris' (1974) Model II theory-in-use will be more effective for developing conditions where a new set of skills can be produced as well (double-loop learning).

This thesis investigates and analyses the Report of the Commission on Education in New Zealand,1962, also known as the 'Currie Report', paying particular attention to the policy process surrounding the written and oral submissions. Views expressed during the submissions and their ideological basis are related to wider power relationships within society. The submissions emanating from outside the Department of Education are revisited as well as the departmental submissions to establish whether there are any grounds to challenge the consensual, liberal interpretations that have been attached to this important New Zealand historical educational document. The issues raised and avoided in the submissions coalesce around specific themes, which are related to the broader issues of the development of New Zealand educational history. Attempts to counteract, mute and marginalise dissent and to encourage optimal social control are witnessed in the organizational structure of the commission and in its methods. The interaction and networking of key participants is studied and the important inter-relationship between central bureaucratic interventions and powerful educational pressure group activity points to the continuing operational success of central government processes. The often competing forces of provincialism and centralism in New Zealand education underlie many of the conflicts surrounding educational change. Religion, race, gender and class are forces that continually interact to create legitimation crises. The governmental attempt to minimise or at least rationalize these socially contested differences in education from 1960-1962 is the subject of this thesis. An analysis is made of the process by which public dissatisfaction regarding education in the fifties and sixties was mediated and largely marginalised by the educational bureaucracy. This is done by a thorough examination of the interaction of pressure groups, unions, media and governmental agencies during the two year submissions to the Commission on Education 1962. The distinction between the commission's report and the submissions and interrogations leading up to the report is important, as the primary data extracted from the primary resource material in the submissions, at times, contradicts the departmental view as expressed in the report itself. In this way it is hoped to move beyond the rhetoric that informs previous commentaries and move closer to an interpretation based upon the primary data.

This investigation explores the reactions to Darwinism in the format and informal education of New Zealand society. The subsidiary purpose is to look at some implications for formal education. Many of the reactions have focussed on distortions of the Darwinian theory of evolution with the form of reaction to Darwinism being centred on different views of humankind. The various group interests have caused different aspects of Darwinism to be highlighted particularly when groups feel their interests are under threat. Using aspects of an "HS3" historical survey technique i.e. the history of the public reaction to an aspect of science and science teaching, key features of this debate are set in context. This context is then used to show that creationist objections and social Darwinian interpretations share many characteristics with their overseas counterparts. A philosophical analysis of the positions taken supports a charge that New Zealand creationist science is partly non science, and partly bad science. It is also shown that confusion has been created when groups have debated issues from different perspectives including cultural perspectives. In particular there has been a lack of communication as various creationist groups, using different research bases, and political, economic and legal institutions, have adopted generalist conservative positions, highlighted metaphysical and ethical considerations and drawn on creationist science literature to support the science of their case while pro-evolutionist groups have adopted specialist liberal or progressive positions, concentrated on the logic and epistemology of the debate and have drawn on mainstream science literature. Finally some implications have been drawn from this analysis of the different reactions, and recommendations have been made for future teaching of evolution and related concepts.

The nature of professional expertise has been widely debated in the literature. However it has been examined primarily from a dichotomy of perspectives - either from an experiential or a cognitive focus, without the attempt to integrate these, and other aspects of expertise, into an integrated and coherent model. This research is structured in two sections. The first part incorporates a philosophical discussion, which advances an integrated model of professional expertise. The second part uses a case study focused on the field of medical imaging to illustrate and refine the model. Ten professionals identified as experts in the various sub-specialties within medical imaging were guided through a sustained period of interviews and logging of critical incidents in order to elicit in-depth data in relation to the process of expertise. Findings showed that while expertise is situated in the context of practice, it incorporates several dimensions working together in an integrated, seamless fashion through the medium of the individual practitioner. The proposed model integrates five main aspects, namely: knowledge base; cognitive processes; internal integrative processes; interpersonal relationships; and professional practice. That is, it is a synthesis of a particular knowledge base, the cognitive processes, personality and internal processes of the practitioner. It manifests through, and builds on, interpersonal relationships with clients and other professionals, and is expressed through the actual doing of professional practice. It is through the reflexive examination of practice and management of change that professionals may transform these five integrated aspects into the qualitative state of expertise. One of the implications of these findings for higher education are that institutions providing professional education need to value all the dimensions of expertise and their effective integration in order to promote the learning required to advance professionals towards this level of practice.

School resistance is usually understood as a pathological behaviour or condition indicative of underlying mental disorder for which therapy is ‘indicated’ and home schooling is ‘contraindicated’. However, I argue that the psychiatric/psychological classifications commonly used to identify school resistance (i.e. ‘school phobia’ and ‘school refusal’) are socio-historical constructs that function to socially and discursively position school-resistant children as ‘abnormal’, ‘irrational’, ‘dysfunctional’ and ‘sick’ individuals whose problems are likely to be compounded by school withdrawal. Assuming that school resistance and home schooling can be constructed in multiple and competing ways, I explore the perspectives of seven school-resistant children who are being (or have been) home schooled, their mothers, and nine practitioners working with children. I argue that by applying a different set of assumptions to school resistance, the meaning of this phenomenon can be radically transformed and so too can the experiences of school resisters and their families. This research suggests that for some mothers and their school-resistant children, home schooling can provide an acceptable and effective solution to the problems raised by school resistance.

This is a study of a) the nature and incidence of independent learning defined as "knowing how to generate and direct the processes of learning...*(see p.3) in new entrant classroom settings and, b) the nature of the teacher-child interactions associated with such independent learning. Systematic observation was used at school entry and three months later, to identify aspects of independent learning and the associated teacher behaviours. Six categories of child directed acts identified the range of behaviours from which independent learning could be inferred. Each category of teacher behaviour that appeared to facilitate independent learning in children was developed as a "mirror image" of each category of child directed acts. The teacher and four children in two new entrant classes were observed over the whole day for five days during two observation periods, one at the beginning of Term three and the other after 12 weeks. Each class was involved in normal classroom activities that covered the whole curriculum. The children were engaging in a considerable amount of independent learning on entry to school and three months later. Many facilitative teaching acts occurred in the interactive style that was demonstrated in all aspects of the curriculum. The teachers spent a considerable portion of teaching time assisting children in one-to-one teaching situations and in small groups, encouraging their responses and fostering and supporting independence in their learning. There was some difference observed between teachers in the attention given to different categories and in the facilitative behaviour occurring in one-to-one interactions and small group teaching interactions. A way of teaching emerges that differs from a teaching agenda determined by didactic, traditional instruction. The two teachers were deemed to be using the children's agenda to foster and support them in independent learning in the various curriculum areas. Some of the practical and philosophical features of the New Zealand education system that may contribute to this particular style of teaching are discussed. The theories of learning and teaching deriving from this study place a value on independent learning (as here defined) in new entrant children and on the teacher’s role in providing opportunities for it to develop. Independent learning a) ensures the continuation of learning at times when the teacher is directly engaged with other children, and b) derives from a teacher expectation that children will be able to actively process ideas and make some decisions about their learning. It engenders a power in children that sustains the momentum of learning.

An investigation into the assessment of the moral components which were developed by John Wilson, is reported. Tests fox the classroom measurement of two components were developed. The components were; PHIL(CC), the claiming of concern for other persons as an overriding, universal, and prescriptive principle in moral decision making; and; GIG, knowledge of factual information which is relevant in making moral decisions which subjects face. The test development exercise was undertaken at a time when public interest in moral education was growing. The recent demand for moral education in Auckland is reviewed. Over the last fifteen years, since the Currie Commission Report, reports by committees investigating the purposes of schools have increasingly emphasised moral and social education as school objectives. The Department of Education appeared to be sympathetic towards the cause of moral education. The submissions made by the public during the Educational Development Conference suggested that, in general, parents and citizens were prepared to consider innovative programmes in social or moral education, although there was little agreement on what form such training or education should take. A number of teachers were supporters of moral education. The primary purpose in constructing tests for Wilson's components was to provide an instrument which would assist in the evaluation of moral education curriculum projects in Auckland secondary schools. Evidence concerning descriptive, content, domain selection, construct and concurrent validity is presented. Kuder-Richardson, retest and criterion-referenced reliability studies were undertaken. It is claimed that an instrument with sufficient validity and reliability has bean produced for the summative evaluation of curriculum projects, and the diagnostic investigation of class groups using the test as a criterion-referenced measure. Auckland intermediate and secondary school pupils were surveyed, using the tests produced and punch card recording in an attempt to identify significant variables. Over 1,100 children completed the tests under controlled conditions. Significant variables identified using the test for PHIL(CC) were socio-economic level for twelve-year-old children, and intelligence for sixteen-year-old children. The effect of schooling appeared to be significant at all levels. Age does not appear to markedly increase children's concern for others. Age was related to performance in the knowledge test. Older children knew more. Other significant variables for GIG were socio-economic level (middle levels performed better) and the effects of schooling. There was some evidence that females know more than males. In both tests it appears that there is considerable interaction between the variables. Suggestions for the further development of the tests are given.

This thesis investigates the problem of how to speed up the process through which professional educators learn how to significantly improve disadvantaged students’ academic achievement. The problem is addressed through three questions: (i) What are the most effective national and international examples of school improvement? (ii) What is the condition of the evidence base for making claims of effectiveness? (iii) What can be learned about developing and implementing effective school improvement from those national and international examples? The thesis begins by searching international and national school improvement literature to find those initiatives with the strongest evidence of effectiveness. One initiative in England (the National Literacy and Numeracy Strategies) and four initiatives in the United States (Success For All, Direct Instruction, The School Development Programme & a district-wide reform in New York District #2) were considered to have strong evidence of effectiveness. Two initiatives in New Zealand (the Numeracy Development Project & the Strengthening Education in Mangere and Otara project commonly called SEMO) had evidence that showed promise. It is argued that patterns of investment in different types of evaluation and ease of access to achievement information account for the difference between the strong international evidence and promising evidence in New Zealand. A series of investigations in the middle of the thesis focus on the processes set up in the initiatives to help practitioners learn effective reform practices. Three models of learning processes are developed which reveal a strong preference for vertical learning in England and the United States and a more balanced vertical-horizontal learning preference in New Zealand. Despite those contrasts, three characteristics were found to be common to all seven effective initiatives. They are a sharp focus on instructional improvement, a set of standardised practices, and, learning connections to transfer the reform ideas into practice. The latter part of the thesis transforms those three characteristics into a theory for schooling improvement which contribute to a faster and more effective reform process.

In this thesis I portray through a history of music and art education in New Zealand the forms knowledge production took in these subject and the discourses within which they were embedded. This enables a more comprehensive understanding of curriculum and unearths connections with what Lyotard (1984) described as 'grand narrative' used to legitimate knowledge claims and practices at certain historical moments. Through such histories we may chart the progress of European civilization within the local context and provide the historical raison d'être for the present state of affairs in music and arts areas of the New Zealand curriculum. Curriculum and its 'reform' representing in part the distribution of public goods and services, has been embroiled in a market project. I seek to expose the politics of knowledge involved in the construction of the notion of The Arts within a neo-liberal policy environment. This environment has involved the deliberate construction of a 'culture of enterprise and competition' (Peters, 1995: 52) and, in the nurturing of conditions for trans-national capital's freedom of movement, a withdrawal from Keynesian economic and social policy, an assault on the welfare state. The thesis delves beyond the public face of policy-making. It follows and scrutinizes critically the birth of The Arts in the New Zealand Curriculum to the production of the first draft of the proposed policy presented by the Ministry of Education in 1999. I examine it as a site of the 'accumulation of meaning' (Derrida, 1981: 57) through a discussion of the history of meaning of 'art' and 'art' education. There is much of value in the Draft document. In particular, the arts have been invested with a new intellectual weight and the professionalism, passion and dedication of those involved in its writing shines through in each of the subject areas within the arts. However, through a process of analysis, I will show that there has been, in fact, a fashioning of a new container for the isolation of artistic knowledge. This is despite official sentiments mentioning possibilities within the document for flourishing separate Music, Art, Dance, and Drama education that implies increased curriculum space. The Draft Arts (1999) document both disguises and rehashes the 'master narrative' of universal rationality and artistic canons and is unlikely to work towards revitalising or protecting local cultural identities though not through lack of intention. I use Lyotard's notion of 'performativity' to critique notions of 'skills' and their 'development' which are implicitly and explicitly stated within the 'levels' of development articulated in the Draft Arts (1999) document. It is argued that this conflation works to enforce cultural homogeneity. There are clear dangers that the Draft Arts' (1999) conception of 'Arts Literacies' might operate as mere functional literacy in the service of the dominant culture's discourse of power and knowledge-one which celebrates the art-as-commodity ideal. It is argued that the Education Ministry's theoretical and epistemological construction of The Arts as one area of learning is unsound, and in fact represents a tightening of modernism's hierarchical notion of culture. New Zealand, now post-colonial or post-imperialist, both bi-cultural and multi-cultural, is situated on the south-western edge of the Pacific Rim. Culturally, it now includes Pacific Island, Asian, and new immigrants, as well as Maori and people of European descent. This therefore necessitates aesthetic practices which, far from promoting a set of universal principles for the appreciation of art - one canonical rule or 'standard' - recognise and reflect cultural difference. Merely admitting cultural difference is inadequate. By working away critically at the deeply held ethno-centric assumptions of modernism, its selective traditions concerned with 'practices, meanings, gender, "races", classes' (Pollock, 1999: 10), its universalising aesthetics of beauty, formal relations, individuality, authenticity or originality, and self-expression, of 'negativity and alienation, and abstraction' (Huyssens, 1986: 209), it is possible to begin to understand the theoretical task of articulating difference with regard to aesthetics. The development of the arts curriculum in New Zealand is placed within the modernism/postmodernism and modernity/postmodernity debates. These debates have generated a number of questions which are forcing us to re-examine the assumptions of modernism. The need for the culture of modernism to become self-critical of its own determining assumptions in order to come to understand its cultural practices, is becoming an urgent theoretical task, especially in disciplines and fields concerned with the transmission of acquired learning and the production of new knowledge. The culture of modernism is often taken as the historical succession of twentieth century avant-gardes (B. Smith, 1998) yet the culture of modernity, philosophically speaking, strictly begins with René Descartes several hundred years earlier, with a pre-history in the Florentine renaissance and the re-discovery of Graeco-Roman artistic and literary forms going back to the thirteenth century. Aesthetic modernism identifies with consumer capitalism and its major assumptions are rationalist, individualist and focus upon the autonomy of both the 'work of art' and the artist at the expense of the artwork, its reception and audience within its localised cultural context. The ideological features of humanism/liberalism - its privileging of the individual subject, the moral, epistemological and aesthetic privileging of the author/artist - are examined as forces contributing to modernism's major values (or aesthetic). Such approaches, it is argued, were limited for dealing with difference. The security and reproductive nature of modernistic approaches to curriculum in the arts areas are destabilized by thinking within the postmodern turn, and the effects of the changes questioning the basic epistemological and metaphysical assumptions in disciplinary fields including art/literature, artchitecture, philosophy and political theory, are registered here, within the field of the education in and through the arts. In a seminal description or report on knowledge, Jean-François Lyotard defines postmodernism as 'incredulity towards metanarratives' (1984: xxiv). Postmodernism, he argues, is 'undoubtedly part of the modern', 'not modernism at its end but in its nascent state and that state is constant (1984: 79). After Lyotard, postmodernism might be seen, therefore, not just as a mode or manner or attitude towards the past, but also as a materializing discourse comprising a dynamic reassessment and re-examination of modernism and modernity's culture. The thinking subject (the cogito) seen as the fount of all knowledge, its autonomy, and transparency, its consideration as the centre of artistic and aesthetic virtuosity and moral action, is subjected to intellectual scrutiny and suspicion. The need for an aesthetics of difference is contextualised through an examination of western hierarchies of art and the aesthetics of marginalized groups. I use the theories of poststructuralist, Jacques Derrida and Jean-François Lyotard, to examine the concept of difference. These theoretical inspirations are used as methodological tools for offsetting the privileging of the liberal individual and individualism. Rather than the mere consideration of difference in curricula, I seek to insert and establish the principle of an aesthetics of difference into relations of pedagogy and curricula. The implications for professional practice resulting from a recognition of a politics of representation are examined and a politics of difference. I argue that art education in all its manifestations can no longer avoid the deeper implications of involvement with representation, including forms of gender, ethnicity and class representation as well as colonial representation. The Western canon's notion of 'artists' and their 'art', often based upon white bourgeois male representations and used in many primary school classrooms, are part and parcel of 'social and political investments in canonicity', a powerful 'element in the hegemony of dominant social groups and interests' (Pollock, 1999: 9). Difference is not appreciated in this context. School art, music, and drama classrooms can become sites for the postmodern questioning of representation of 'the other'. In this context, an aesthetics of difference insists upon too, the questioning of images supporting hegemonic discourses, images which have filled the spaces in the 'chinks and cracks of the power/knowledge-apparati' (Teresa de Lauretis, 1987 cited in Pollock, 1999: 7-8). What would an 'eccentric rereading', a rediscovery of what the canon's vicarly cloak disguises and reveals, mean for music, and for the individual arts areas of the curriculum? I hope to reveal the entanglements of the cultural dynamics of power through an examination of the traditions of Truth and Beauty in imagery which are to be disrupted by inserting into the canon the principle of the aesthetics of difference. Art education as a politics of representation embraces art's constitutive role in ideology. This is to be exposed as we seek to unravel and acknowledge which kinds of knowledges are legitimised and privileged by which kinds of representations. Which kinds of narratives, historical or otherwise, have resulted in which kinds of depictions through image? A recognition of the increasing specification of the subject demands also the careful investigation of colonial representation, the construction of dubious narratives about our history created through visual imaging and its provision of complex historical references. How have art, music, dance, drama been used in the service of particular political and economic narratives? Through revisioning the curriculum from a postmodern perspective, suggestions are made for an alternative pedagogy, which offsets the ideological features of humanism/liberalism, one in which an aesthetics of difference might pervade cultural practices - 'systems of signification', 'practices of representation' (Rizvi, 1994). I draw upon Lyotard's notion of 'small narratives' (1984), and present an investigation of what the democratic manifestation of 'the differend', and multiple meaning systems, might indicate in terms of 'differencing' music education as a site in which heterogenous value systems and expression may find form. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

This thesis extends Stanislav Grof's work on psycho-spiritual transformation by considering whether adolescents can experience what he and Christina Grof (1989, 1990) have called „spiritual emergency‟ (SE). Grof contends that the human psyche, when stimulated by new material originating from loss experiences, may spontaneously reorganise itself. This process either unfolds gently as spiritual emergence or overwhelms the individual as SE. This thesis examines Grof‟s holotropic theory, using Shakespeare‟s Hamlet as an illustration, to establish theoretically how SE might be experienced and observed in an adolescent. Hamlet‟s powerful responses to the death of his father, the loss of his inheritance and the remarriage of his mother are explored via Grof‟s extended cartography of the human psyche and a close analysis of Hamlet‟s soliloquies. As counselling verbatim, the soliloquies provide an important opportunity to discuss how significant experiences of loss have the potential for developmental transformation in adolescence. The possible incidence of SE in adolescence raises questions about how we identify, understand and support young people undergoing this process of transformation. In addition to analysing Hamlet‟s experiences in the light of Grof‟s theoretical framework, the thesis discusses the broader literature on grief and loss and the work of a range of other developmental, spiritual, transpersonal and integral psychologists and philosophers. The thesis engages Grof‟s ideas critically and assesses their relevance for adolescent counselling practice and counsellor education in the New Zealand context. This thesis challenges some widely accepted views among counsellors and educators. It argues for the acknowledgement and identification of the SE experience and recommends that further research be conducted with adolescents. It concludes that an understanding of the deeper dimensions of personal experience can assist professionals to be more effectively engaged with young people throughout their educational journeys.