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This study of local open space in British housing since 1800 takes the form of a sequence of essays. The subject is treated selectively but in historical sequence, and concentrates on topics hitherto neglected. Two themes recur: the first concerns the justification for providing urban open space, and the second the grouping of housing around shared local open space. The introductory essay shows how the justification for providing urban open spaces in Britain during the Nineteenth Centry was greatly affected by the inadequacies of local government. The following chapter reviews the extent to which open space was looked upon as a purely sanitary investment until medical science had discounted a number of misconceptions and demonstrated the value of recreation and outdoor exercise. Succeeding chapters examine some early attempts to provide local open space at least in part for motives of recreation (notably chapter 5), while chapters 6, 7 and 8 deal with different aspects of acceptance of the need for local open space and, in particular, the need to escape from the city and re-establish contact with Nature and the simple rural life, or its semblance. The second theme of study is introduced in chapter 3, which looks at early attempts to associate shared open space with the parallelogram, and how this form was abused in the Scots tenement. The following chapters review the essential differences between the Scots tenement and English cottage, the general preference for the latter, and the influence of the English village green on the provision and treatment of shared local open space in present day housing. Chapters 9 and 10 consider in detail the problems concerned with providing and managing such space. The final chapter reaches a number of general conclusions on the two themes of study.

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This document represents the final stage of a research project assessing the relevance of modern procurement approaches within the context of repairs and maintenance to social housing providers. Previous documents in this study are suggestive that there are some limitations for the effectiveness of social housing providers to undertake the role of construction client. This in turn would appear to question the relevance of the procurement approach. In accepting this contention, this phase of the research applies a semi-structured framework in which the role of the client is targeted and measured along with the assessment of if or how the role of the contractor could alter in order to potentially achieve enhanced relevance. Over a twelve month time span, a number of identified ‘intervention strategies’ were developed by a small group of senior practitioners. The rationale was to apply the identified strategy to a small sample in order to ascertain if there was any consequence of the trial. The usage of a research methodology that enables a number of cycles and iterations would also allow for modifications to be made to further enhance the intervention measures. Having completed three cycles of applying the strategies and reflecting upon the outcome observed, this document notes the continuing challenge that modern procurement routes appear to bring.

This thesis explores the manner in which accountability relations are made, re-made and exercised in a British public service. Developing a framework that captures these processes and lays the foundations for further application to other public services is the aim of this thesis. The focus of the study is the privatisation of council housing through large-scale voluntary transfers (LSVTs). Council housing is a service that has democratic accountability relations at its heart via directly elected municipal representatives. Over the past three decades the neoliberalisation of this public service has reformed these accountability relations; moving them to corporate governance-styled accountability, in not-for-profit private limited companies. This process has generated a reaction in the form of civil society campaigns that contest the transfers. The outcome is either to reproduce the existing democratic accountability relations or transform them to privatised corporate governance-styled accountability. The thesis develops a theoretical framework rooted in the classical Marxist tradition and extended to include a critical realist theory of science and a materialist dialogical theory of language. The framework is applied to three comparative case studies in the search for generative mechanisms and the context they operate in. The case studies are developed using data from documentary sources, interviews, secondary statistics and observation. The main contribution to knowledge is an integrated two triadic research framework (of, Neoliberalisation – Reaction/Contestation – Reproductions or Transformation; and a dynamic relationship between the state and civil society)for analysing changes in public accountability relations. There is also a second empirically-based contribution relevant to the accounting literature, with the focus on the actions of tenants and other civil society actors in making, re-making and exercising accountability relations. Both these contributions can be seen as staging-posts on the way to developing a theory of Critical Public Accountability.

This account explains why, how, and at whose instigation, large numbers of multi-storey blocks (6 or more storeys) were built by municipalities across the whole of Britain within a few years, chiefly in the 1960s. The thesis begins with an introductory chapter which sets out the author's own values, outlines the method of investigation and presentation of evidence, and briefly surveys other recent accounts of this subject. These have mostly claimed that the decisions by municipal councillors to build high flats were substantially determined by outside influences, such as professional groups or building contractors. It is made clear that this thesis will contest this historical consensus that municipal decision makers were little more than puppets. The main text pursues this argument in a step-by-step manner through chronological and thematic discussion. Part I describes how high flats, previously a vehicle for avant-garde architectural design, were forcefully grasped in the 1950s by powerful municipal housing interests as a weapon to defend their building and patronage apparatus against a threat posed by a national, professional grouping: town and country planners, set on encouraging mass population 'overspill' from the municipalities. Part I evaluates the power and motivation of the municipal 'housing crusaders' against that of other groupings, such as Central Government or contractors: it is found that these councillors and supporting officers were the only group with both power and motive to force through the sharp policy change to multi-storey building. Part II tackles, indirectly, the question of how an unorchestrated, cumulative movement, springing not from external pressure and coordination but from the cities themselves, could have spread right across the country and produced such seemingly uniform results.

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Community engagement in regeneration is an important way to ensure that residents in deprived neighbourhoods have a say in decisions that affect them. The aim of this research is to provide a critical examination of community engagement through the development of practice and strategy of a UK housing association to deliver neighbourhood regeneration in a deprived neighbourhood in North West England. An action research approach using interlinked inquiry streams was undertaken with residents, senior managers and practitioners. The findings were used to develop community engagement strategy, articulate a model of engagement practice and enable the residents’ lived experience and views on service providers to be heard. Most literature about community engagement in regeneration is critical about the limited involvement of residents in partnerships, meetings and consultations. However, little attention has been paid to the exploration of transformative engagement where the process and outcome of engagement seeks to empower and enable self-determination of residents. This research addresses this gap and also further explores informal and creative engagement methods, the skills required for engagement practice, the role of housing associations in neighbourhood management and considerations for housing associations undertaking community engagement to achieve a lasting impact for people and place. This thesis has contributed to knowledge in two ways. The first contribution is the adaptation of Andrews and Turner’s (2006) Consumerist and Participatory Framework for the analysis of community engagement in a housing association context. The adapted framework is valuable in identifying different types of engagement approach within organisations. This framework addresses the gap in knowledge about the development of community engagement strategy. The second contribution to knowledge is the creation of a model of transformative community engagement practice, based on an extended definition of neighbourhood sustainability, the literature review and research findings. The research discusses the implications for housing associations undertaking community engagement in the current context, which is of particular relevance given the impact of UK public sector cuts and welfare benefit changes to poorer communities. Findings can be transferred to other housing providers or agencies looking to engage residents to achieve sustainable outcomes that will improve their lives and local neighbourhoods.

This thesis explores the relationship between town halls and Conservative governments over two policy changes which reduced local autonomy: the Housing Finance Act 1972 imposed rent increases on council housing, and the 1980 Housing Act gave tenants the Right to Buy. The literature on local authority resistance concentrates on high-profile battles between government ministers and Clay Cross and Norwich councils, but the coverage of London boroughs is sparse, except for that on Camden’s defiance in 1972. This thesis aims to assess the responses of eight Labour-controlled boroughs in the capital to the controversial legislation, including Greenwich, targeted by government ministers for being especially ‘difficult’ over the Right to Buy. The thesis examines the extent to which Labour-controlled local authorities sought to resist the government measures, their strategies and the outcomes; splits in Labour groups over implementation and any differences between 1972 and 1980. Attention is paid to the role of local Conservatives in the controversies. The thesis relies on minutes of council meetings and reports in local newspapers, supplemented by some oral interviews. It was recognised in 1972 that for resistance to be effective, Labour authorities needed to agree a common strategy, but attempts to do so failed. While councillors increasingly feared incurring legal sanctions, the Parliamentary Labour Party urged them to accept a compromise which could lessen the rent increases. Camden rebelled for several months, despite a serious split among Labour councillors, and only complied when ministers made their position financially untenable. Labour groups remained more united over implementing the Right to Buy scheme as they had other priorities and could delay or frustrate individual sales. The boroughs did the minimum necessary to operate the government scheme and resisted pressure from ministers over their performance. After initially refusing to implement the 1980 legislation, Greenwich subsequently survived threats of intervention through negotiation. Overall this thesis demonstrates that there was resistance among the boroughs studied to both policy changes which encroached upon their autonomy, but that the political battles were mainly fought on housing issues with Conservative councillors invariably supporting their party in government.