The literature related to war captivity has reported that most former prisoners of war are still distressed by memories of traumatic experiences of their capture and captivity decades after repatriation. In addition, the earliest investigations of the effects of this traumatic experience on those repatriates have revealed that they are still suffering from numerous psychological and physical disturbances which are directly related to the traumatic experiences of their captivity. The present study has tested the effectiveness of a psychosocial rehabilitation programme on Iraqi former prisoners of the Iran-Iraq war, 1980-1988. Ninety two participants participated in this study and were randomly divided in two groups; intervention group and control group. The intervention group underwent a 12-week intervention, for an hour a week and completed a questionnaire on 4 occasions; before starting the intervention; half-way through the intervention (6 weeks); at the end of the intervention (12 weeks); and finally, 9 months after completion of the programme. The results ofthis study indicate that the majority of IRPOWs have some level of: PTSD (78.3%); anxiety (62.0%); and depression (63.0%). 85.9% of IRPOWs have a degree of satisfaction ranging from 2-5; and 80.5% of them have a good number of support persons (3-6), and 95.5% of them have medium to good levels of coping. These results reveal that many IRPOWs are still displaying problematical symptoms despite good levels of social support. I The study found no differences at pre-intervention between the Control group and Intervention group for demographic characteristics (current age, age at capture, duration of captivity, time since release, and monthly income, level of education, and rank), PTSD, anxiety, or depression. This gives the researcher confidence that the sampling was effective in eliminating selection bias between the control and intervention group and that change in PTSD and other conditions are likely to be related to the intervention. The study did not find any strong associations between demographic characteristics and outcome variables (PTSD, anxiety, and depression), suggesting that there was no effect of the age of IRPOWs at the time of capture or at the time of the study, duration of captivity, the period since release, rank, level of education, and monthly income on the severity of the symptoms of anxiety and depression or on the level of PTSD. The main finding of the study was that there were changes in levels of PTSD, anxiety and depression over time and following the intervention; with significant differences between the control group and Intervention group (For PTSD: the main time effect: F= 18.39, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 16.93, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 28.64, P= 0.01, for Anxiety: the main time effect: F= 6.41, P= 0.01; between groups effect: F= 4.20, P= 0.05; and groups interaction overtime: F= 30.93, P= 0.01, and for Depression: the main time effect was NS: F= 1.94, P= 0.16; between groups effect: F= 6.33, P= 0.01; and groups interaction overtime: F= 8.62, P= 0.01). It suggests the intervention was successful in reducing PTSD symptoms but there was a lack of any differences for anxiety and depression. This might have been due to the difficult security situation which made the increased travel that the intervention group had to undertake very stressful. The study recommends that improved mental health services should be provided in primary care and confidential counselling provided through employee-assistance programmes for IRPOWs; construct further psychosocial rehabilitation programmes for IRPOWs in other Iraqi provinces; and set plan to identify and evaluate the psychological conditions for other IRPOWs groups, including those living in other towns and rural areas and to set follow-up studies to explore their progress. IV

The thesis is a qualitative study that analyses the personal narratives of isolation and resistance of former Baader-Meinhof prisoners (RAF) in the period 1970-1995 within the context of imprisonment and penality in Gennany. The thesis constructs a picture of isolation and resistance through these individual narratives that illustrate how a state policy to control the communication of individual RAF prisoners was translated into techniques of immobilization - solitary confinement - and surveillance - searches, censorship and monitoring. The narratives recount how these techniques, though central to security and order in prison, were applied and adapted in order to disable the group both within prison and on the outside, and to diminish the (political) resolve of the individual prisoner. The narratives also give insight into individual and collective resistance to isolation, namely the rationales of individual survival and striving for community in the pursuit of collective detention of RAF prisoners. The thesis contributes to the literature on RAF imprisonment by framing the lived experiences of former women and men RAF prisoners and the meanings they attach to isolation and resistance within a power and gendered dimensions of prison life and penality. The study also hopes to contribute wider discussions on imprisonment and penality in Gennany, in particular the governance of women and men prisoners who are constructed as dangerous.

Notre étude s’interroge sur la construction de l’acteur « ennemi » dans l’institution sociale totale du camp de concentration à travers la comparaison de deux formes ; ceci dans des contextes sociaux, nationaux, idéologiques et étatiques différents – le camp de Rivesaltes et l’État Français et le camp de Béléné et la République Populaire de Bulgarie. Ces deux institutions sont traitées à partir de l’hypothèse de « différence de degré », qui se décline dans les notions de « singularité » et « pluralité », permettant de les saisir aussi bien au niveau politique qu’au niveau de l’institution concrète. Cette étude concerne la construction de la figure de l’acteur « ennemi » en partant du niveau social et politique pour arriver à la vie quotidienne au sein des deux formes concentrationnaires. Nous avons analysé la figure de l’ennemi, tout d’abord comme un produit d’une dynamique tournée vers la transformation sociale fondamentale. Nous avons également voulu comprendre les raisons d’apparition des formes concentrationnaires comme partie intégrante de ce « projet de société », et puis nous les avons analysées à travers la vie quotidienne qui s’établit en leur sein. L’institution concentrationnaire a assuré en soi une certaine stabilité qui lui a permis de bien remplir sa fonction dans la dynamique de transformation de la société. Cette stabilité est assurée par l’insertion de l’individu dans une série de cercles, sa soumission à une forme spécifique de pouvoir qui le transforme dans son essence de personne et d’être humain, mais aussi le posant comme un acteur dans un univers interactionnel particulier. Alors, quelle est la place de l’acteur « ennemi » dans la vie concentrationnaire et quelles interactions s’établissent-elles entre les différents acteurs au sein des camps ? / The present sociological study examines the construction of the "enemy" within the concentration camp, an absolute social institution, through the comparison of two forms, taken in their different social, national, ideological and state context – on one hand, the camp of Rivesaltes and the French government and, on the other hand, the camp of Belene and the People's Republic of Bulgaria. Both institutions are analyzed with the assumption of "difference of degree," developed by the concept of "singularity " and " plurality " which allows to identify them in their political dimension as well as on the concrete institutional level.This study deals with the construction of the specific figure the "enemy" as a social actor starting from the social and political level and getting to the everyday life in both concentration camp forms. We analyzed the enemy figure, at first as a product of a dynamic facing a fundamental social transformation. We also took into account the main reasons of concentration forms occurrence as an integral part of this " social project ", and then we have analyzed the aforementioned reasons through everyday life.The camp institution has assured itself a degree of stability that has allowed it to fulfill its function in the dynamic transformation of society. This stability is ensured by the involvement of the individual in a series of circles, his submission to a specific form of power which transforms soundly his personal character and adjoin to his human being condition, but also defines him as an actor in a particular interactional universe. Finally, what is the role of the actor "enemy" in concentration camp life and what interactions different actors in the camps establish between themselves?