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To encounter and digest the oeuvre of H. Marshall McLuhan on his own terms, this study deploys a strategy not dissimilar to that of Poe’s sailor who survived his descent into the maelstrom by studying the action of the vortex and catching hold of a recurring form. Here, McLuhan’s career-spanning concern with “communication” may be seen as just such a recurrence — his concern with communication is evident at every turn of his effort to update the Great English Vortex of 1914 and develop a second vortex in mid-century America. Having taken hold of this central concern, this study uses the procedure he developed to expose the “theory of communication” of any figure in the arts and sciences, and applies it to McLuhan himself. In this process of folding McLuhan in on himself, five loosely chronological chapters are used to reveal the four historical “phases” of his career, and to show that McLuhan cannot properly be understood apart from: 1. The great tradition of Ciceronian humanism and the Ciceronian ideal —the doctus orator — a figure in whom eloquence and wisdom coalesce. 2. The programme of the figures frequently referred to as the Men of 1914: James Joyce, Ezra Pound, T. S. Eliot, and Wyndham Lewis. In the final analysis, McLuhan is shown as having updated and transformed both — the Ciceronian ideal and the programme of the Men of 1914 — to become something of a singularity in the midst of what he saw as an Electric Renaissance: a paramodern (neither modernist nor post-modernist) doctus orator.

The literature on the use of public journalism suggests that it can lead to different news coverage than is traditionally provided by the news media. Specifically, these differences have been identified in story content, use of different sources and use of mobilising information. This thesis asks whether such differences can be identified in newspapers’ coverage of the 2001 Local Body Elections in New Zealand. The research involved content analysis of New Zealand’s six largest daily newspapers, three of them with experience of using public journalism and three with no such experience. Interviews were also conducted with two or three senior journalists involved in organising each paper’s election campaign in order to explore their goals for the election coverage and evaluation of it. The results mirror those of previous research by showing significant differences in the coverage of the newspapers with public journalism experience in relation to some factors, but not others. The papers with a public journalism background consistently used more non-elite sources than the traditional papers, but did not consistently use more female sources. They also included mobilising information in stories more frequently and made greater use of story features, or “elements”, associated with public journalism. However, one of the papers with no experience of public journalism also ranked highly in relation to these two factors. The interviews revealed some differences in goals among the journalists, but this was not a simple split between the journalists on papers with public journalism experience and the other journalists. For example, not all interviewees working for the papers experienced in using public journalism agreed that their goal should be to boost voter turnout. Nor was an overt commitment to supporting the democratic process expressed only by staff on the papers with public journalism experience. The interviews did, however, identify that only the three newspapers with a public journalism background used polling to identify the issues that were important to the public and proceeded to cover these issues during their election campaign

This is a study of the social dynamics of the current Chinese migrant community in New Zealand through a critical analysis of the Auckland-based Chinese-language media. It combines two research fields, international migration studies and media studies, to conceptualise Chinese-language media as a specific type of alternative media in contemporary New Zealand. The Chinese population in New Zealand has rapidly increased through immigration since the passage of the 1987 Immigration Act; Chinese now comprise 3.4% of the New Zealand population, and a wide variety of Chinese-language media have accordingly thrived in New Zealand. In contrast to New Zealand mainstream media, these Chinese media serve the specific needs and interests of newly arrived and only minimally acculturated Chinese migrants. The research was conducted in three phases: quantitative and qualitative data were acquired from the content of Chinese-language media during the period of the 2005 New Zealand general election; qualitative data were obtained from focus groups and interviews with members of the Chinese audience subsequent to the election; qualitative data were generated from Chinese media personnel. The findings suggest that these Chinese-language media closely reflect and depict recent PRC Chinese migrants’ perceptions of New Zealand and aspirations towards their new life in the host country. Within the global context of the Chinese diaspora in historical and contemporary times, this research also introduces a new angle for exploring the socio-economic impacts of China as a rising superpower on New Zealand and the Pacific Rim.

This is a study of the social dynamics of the current Chinese migrant community in New Zealand through a critical analysis of the Auckland-based Chinese-language media. It combines two research fields, international migration studies and media studies, to conceptualise Chinese-language media as a specific type of alternative media in contemporary New Zealand. The Chinese population in New Zealand has rapidly increased through immigration since the passage of the 1987 Immigration Act; Chinese now comprise 3.4% of the New Zealand population, and a wide variety of Chinese-language media have accordingly thrived in New Zealand. In contrast to New Zealand mainstream media, these Chinese media serve the specific needs and interests of newly arrived and only minimally acculturated Chinese migrants. The research was conducted in three phases: quantitative and qualitative data were acquired from the content of Chinese-language media during the period of the 2005 New Zealand general election; qualitative data were obtained from focus groups and interviews with members of the Chinese audience subsequent to the election; qualitative data were generated from Chinese media personnel. The findings suggest that these Chinese-language media closely reflect and depict recent PRC Chinese migrants’ perceptions of New Zealand and aspirations towards their new life in the host country. Within the global context of the Chinese diaspora in historical and contemporary times, this research also introduces a new angle for exploring the socio-economic impacts of China as a rising superpower on New Zealand and the Pacific Rim.

This is a study of the social dynamics of the current Chinese migrant community in New Zealand through a critical analysis of the Auckland-based Chinese-language media. It combines two research fields, international migration studies and media studies, to conceptualise Chinese-language media as a specific type of alternative media in contemporary New Zealand. The Chinese population in New Zealand has rapidly increased through immigration since the passage of the 1987 Immigration Act; Chinese now comprise 3.4% of the New Zealand population, and a wide variety of Chinese-language media have accordingly thrived in New Zealand. In contrast to New Zealand mainstream media, these Chinese media serve the specific needs and interests of newly arrived and only minimally acculturated Chinese migrants. The research was conducted in three phases: quantitative and qualitative data were acquired from the content of Chinese-language media during the period of the 2005 New Zealand general election; qualitative data were obtained from focus groups and interviews with members of the Chinese audience subsequent to the election; qualitative data were generated from Chinese media personnel. The findings suggest that these Chinese-language media closely reflect and depict recent PRC Chinese migrants’ perceptions of New Zealand and aspirations towards their new life in the host country. Within the global context of the Chinese diaspora in historical and contemporary times, this research also introduces a new angle for exploring the socio-economic impacts of China as a rising superpower on New Zealand and the Pacific Rim.

This is a study of the social dynamics of the current Chinese migrant community in New Zealand through a critical analysis of the Auckland-based Chinese-language media. It combines two research fields, international migration studies and media studies, to conceptualise Chinese-language media as a specific type of alternative media in contemporary New Zealand. The Chinese population in New Zealand has rapidly increased through immigration since the passage of the 1987 Immigration Act; Chinese now comprise 3.4% of the New Zealand population, and a wide variety of Chinese-language media have accordingly thrived in New Zealand. In contrast to New Zealand mainstream media, these Chinese media serve the specific needs and interests of newly arrived and only minimally acculturated Chinese migrants. The research was conducted in three phases: quantitative and qualitative data were acquired from the content of Chinese-language media during the period of the 2005 New Zealand general election; qualitative data were obtained from focus groups and interviews with members of the Chinese audience subsequent to the election; qualitative data were generated from Chinese media personnel. The findings suggest that these Chinese-language media closely reflect and depict recent PRC Chinese migrants’ perceptions of New Zealand and aspirations towards their new life in the host country. Within the global context of the Chinese diaspora in historical and contemporary times, this research also introduces a new angle for exploring the socio-economic impacts of China as a rising superpower on New Zealand and the Pacific Rim.

This is a study of the social dynamics of the current Chinese migrant community in New Zealand through a critical analysis of the Auckland-based Chinese-language media. It combines two research fields, international migration studies and media studies, to conceptualise Chinese-language media as a specific type of alternative media in contemporary New Zealand. The Chinese population in New Zealand has rapidly increased through immigration since the passage of the 1987 Immigration Act; Chinese now comprise 3.4% of the New Zealand population, and a wide variety of Chinese-language media have accordingly thrived in New Zealand. In contrast to New Zealand mainstream media, these Chinese media serve the specific needs and interests of newly arrived and only minimally acculturated Chinese migrants. The research was conducted in three phases: quantitative and qualitative data were acquired from the content of Chinese-language media during the period of the 2005 New Zealand general election; qualitative data were obtained from focus groups and interviews with members of the Chinese audience subsequent to the election; qualitative data were generated from Chinese media personnel. The findings suggest that these Chinese-language media closely reflect and depict recent PRC Chinese migrants’ perceptions of New Zealand and aspirations towards their new life in the host country. Within the global context of the Chinese diaspora in historical and contemporary times, this research also introduces a new angle for exploring the socio-economic impacts of China as a rising superpower on New Zealand and the Pacific Rim.

Communication technologies have altered the way people engage in political discourse. In recent years the internet has played a significant role in changing the way people receive political information, news and opinion. Perhaps the most significant difference as a result of advancements in communication and internet technology is how people participate in discussions and deliberate issues that are important to them. The 2005 New Zealand General Election fell at a time when functionality and access to fast and affordable internet allowed people to develop their own information channels and also determine how, where and to what level they participated in debate and commentary on election issues. The aim of this thesis is to examine how blogs were used to discuss political issues during the 2005 New Zealand General Election campaign period through the use of three inter-related methodologies. The methodologies used in the research are content analysis, interviews and a case study. Four blogs and the comments sections are analysed by way of content analysis for adherence to the rules of communicative interaction within the public sphere. Interviews were conducted with a number of people who blogged during the 2005 election campaign, to develop an understanding of their experiences and perceptions of the role blogging played in the election. A case study of politician and blogger Rodney Hide examines the role blogs play as a communication tool for politicians and the how they change the relationship between politician and voter. An explosion of academic literature in recent years has looked at the participative and deliberative nature of the internet and blogs as having opened new spaces and what implications that may have for democracy. Jurgen Habermas' seminal book, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, provides the theoretical basis for this thesis and the foundation for academic writing in this area. Habermas developed the normative notion of the public sphere as a part of social life where citizens exchanged views and opinions on matters of importance to the common good, so that wider public opinion can be formed.