This thesis is concerned with the pace of religious change in the town of Ipswich in the period 1520 to 1560, and with the process by which it came about. In 1520 the townsfolk were preoccupied with the late medieval devotional system and Lollardy was conspicuous by its absence. However, following the break with Rome and government injunctions in the 1530s, some traditional practices were rapidly dropped and evangelical ideas began to be spread through preaching. Edward VI's reign witnessed an explosion of reformist publishing in the town in 1547-8, but while some parishes moved quickly to implement official instructions on church ceremonial, others were slower. The reign of Mary I saw religious divisions widen, with a number of Catholics in 1556 informing upon a large group of suspected Protestants, although with little success. The burnings of heretics in Ipswich witnessed displays of sympathy for the victims from townsfolk. Following the accession of Elizabeth I, a town preacher was appointed in 1560 to disseminate the new religious ideas more widely. Government policy was obviously important in initiating religious change, but the extent to which policies were implemented in the town was dependent upon the enthusiasm of others. Local nobles and gentlemen, and the curates and wardens of parish churches, acted with urgency at times and dragged their feet at others. Above all, the role of the town's portmen in encouraging the spread of evangelical ideas under Henry and Edward and mostly refraining from active participation in the Marian persecution was crucial. Decisions were made on the basis of the religious views of individuals, but also on how politically acceptable these would be to the residents of the town or parish. Religious change in Ipswich in this period resulted from a process of 'negotiation' between the different individuals and groups involved.

Utilising material such as colonial correspondence, private papers, parliamentary debates and the press, this thesis examines how the Ionian Islands were defined by British politicians and how this influenced various forms of rule in the Islands between 1815 and 1864. It explores the articulation of particular forms of colonial subjectivities for the Ionian people by colonial governors and officials. This is set in the context of political reforms that occurred in Britain and the Empire during the first half of the nineteenth-century, especially in the white settler colonies, such as Canada and Australia. It reveals how British understandings of Ionian peoples led to complex negotiations of otherness, informing the development of varieties of colonial rule. Britain suggested a variety of forms of government for the Ionians ranging from authoritarian (during the governorships of T. Maitland, H. Douglas, H. Ward, J. Young, H. Storks) to representative (under Lord Nugent, and Lord Seaton), to responsible government (under W. Gladstone’s tenure in office). All these attempted solutions (over fifty years) failed to make the Ionian Islands governable for Britain. The Ionian Protectorate was a failed colonial experiment in Europe, highlighting the difficulties of governing white, Christian Europeans within a colonial framework.

This dissertation explores the intellectual development of two leading members of the Young Turk organisation during its early phase - that is, the period before the organisation turned into the militarist nationalist group that carried out the 1908 Revolution and ruled Turkey until the end of WW1. The thesis argues that the two intellectual activists, Ahmet Riza and Mehmet Sabahettin, have been central figures in the theoretical emergence of an Ottoman synthesis, which responded to the geopolitics of the empire and aspired to provide an intellectual bridge between the Empire and Europe. My main object of analysis are Young Turk journals published mainly in France between 1890s and 1907, of which Riza and Sabahettin were editors or contributors, as well as the thematic volumes they authored. I contend that an understanding of the arguments put forward by these activists is crucial in constructing a more accurate picture of the historical continuum between nineteenthand twentieth-century Ottoman/Turkish politics. This new picture enriches the narrative of a Kemalist debate on modernity as rupture with the Empire's past and confronts nationalist frames of looking at the Ottoman past that have been very prevalent in modern Turkish historiography. Throughout this research, I present a fresh reading of an intensely-studied period. I claim that the periodisation of Young Turk history is, besides few exceptions, misrepresented and that the early phase of the organisation has not been given the attention and analytical depth it deserves. I suggest that a comparative interrogation of the varied visions of Ottoman opposition groups, which has not been done before, sheds light on the much-debated transition from Empire to Republic and acknowledges an ideological bridge between the political and social ideas of pre- and post- Republican period.

My thesis focuses on social and cultural interaction between Karia (in south western Anatolia) and Krete, over a long time span; from the Bronze Age to the Roman period. A persistent tradition existed in antiquity linking the Karians with Krete; this was mirrored in civic mythologies in Karia, as well as in cults and toponyms. My research aims to construct a new framework in which to read these traditions. The way in which a community ‘remembered’ its past was not an objective view of history; traditions were transmitted because they were considered to reflect something about a society. The persistence of a Kretan link within Karian mythologies and cults indicates that Krete was ‘good to think with’ even (or especially) during a period when Karia itself was undergoing changes (becoming, in a sense, both ‘de-Karianized’ and ‘Hellenized’). I focus on the late Classical and Hellenistic periods, from which most of our source material derives. The relevance of a shared past is considered in light of actual contacts between the two regions: diplomatic, economic, cultural and military. Against the prevailing orthodoxy, which maintains that traditions of earlier contacts, affinities and kinship between peoples from different parts of the Mediterranean were largely constructs of later periods, I take seriously the origins of such traditions and explore how the networks that linked Minoan Krete with Anatolia could have left a residuum in later conceptualisations of regional history. That I am able to do so is mainly thanks to developments in recent archaeological and linguistic research into Bronze Age western Anatolia. Such a diachronic approach throws up obvious questions of methodology: one cannot draw straight lines between the late Bronze age and the second century BC, and so must develop a way of analysing how, and in which contexts, traditions survived.

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This thesis examines historiography in modern Saudi Arabia. Many students of modern Arab historiography have focused on the development of historical professions and the historiographical legitimation of regimes. In contrast, this thesis seeks to explain the emergence of a plurality of historical narratives in the kingdom in the absence of formal political pluralism. It thus pays special attention to amateur and unofficial histories. Since the 1920s, texts about local, tribal and Shiite communities emerged that diverged from, and contested, the histories focusing on the royal family. They emphasized the communities' historical independence from the Al Saud or asserted the communities' importance in Saudi national history. Since the 1970s, distinct social and economic histories also developed. These histories described important historical events as the result of wider social and economic factors rather than the actions of individual rulers or communities. The thesis argues that this narrative plurality was the product of the building and expansion of the Saudi state in the context of globalization. The state subsidized not only dynastic histories, but also many texts on local, social and economic history. It also provided an increasing number of its citizens with education and employment in the expanding public sector. It thus empowered a variety of previously illiterate and relatively poor sections of Saudi society, including former Bedouin tribespeople, to produce conformist, but also dissenting histories. Globalization not only facilitated narrative plurality by putting Saudi historians in contact with different ideologies, methodologies, and source material from abroad, it also allowed authors to publish their works abroad and online beyond governmental censorship. But state expansion and globalization have not been restricted to Saudi Arabia, and this thesis suggests that these processes may also have led to narrative plurality in Arab historiography more generally, even under the conditions of authoritarianism.

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