This thesis addresses topics of violence and forced internal migrants with special reference to the metropolitan area of Bogotá, Colombia between 1990 and 2002. While there is much scholarly debate by historians and political scientists about conflict between the state, guerrillas and paramilitaries in rural areas, urban violence has been relatively neglected. Violence caused many people to migrate from rural to urban areas, so that, Colombia had by 2002 more internally displaced persons than any country except Sudan. The main aims of the thesis are 1) to analyse trends in violent crime; 2) to discuss citizen security strategies that were pursued between 1990 and 2002; and 3) to examine the survival strategies of forced internal migrants in Bogotá comparing them to the strategies adopted by voluntary migrants and native residents. Chapter 1 focuses on urban homicide and kidnapping. In Colombia, 40 percent of the 25,000 annual homicides were committed in the ten largest cities during the late 1990s. The problem of kidnapping is examined by analysing changes in Colombian anti-kidnapping legislation and its application and by focusing on the authors, the victims and the risk-zones involved. Chapter 2 looks at the issue of perception and fear of violent crime. The concept of risk and the subjectivity of decision-making when facing insecurity are examined. Chapter 3 investigates citizen security strategies during the administrations of Presidents César Gaviria (1990-1994), Ernesto Samper (1994-1998) and Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002). Chapter 4 develops an analysis of patterns of selectivity based on the notions of forced vis-à-vis voluntary migration and economic vis-à-vis non-economic migration. A research design collecting comparative data on households with diverse migration experiences residing in three locations within the metropolitan area of Bogotá is applied. Chapter 5 explores the socioeconomic characteristics of forced migrants and compares them to voluntary migrants from outside and migrants who moved within Bogotá.

This thesis explores the entangled relationship between family and empire in the late-nineteenth-century British Empire. Using the correspondence of British families involved in British Columbia or India between 1858 and 1901, it argues that family letters worked to make imperial lives possible, sustainable and meaningful. This correspondence enabled Britons to come to terms with the personal separations that were necessary for the operation of empire; to negotiate the nature of shifting relationships across imperial distances; and to produce and transmit family forms of colonial knowledge. In these ways, Britons ‘at home’ and abroad used correspondence to navigate the meanings of empire through the prism of family, both in everyday separations and in moments of crisis. Overall, the thesis argues, letter-writing thus positioned the family as a key building block of empire that bound together distant and different places in deeply personal and widely experienced, if also tenuous and anxious, ways. The thesis follows a modular structure, with chapters that explore overlapping but distinct topics of correspondence: food, dress, death and letterwriting itself. Each of these offers a different lens onto the ways in which family correspondence linked Britain with India and British Columbia through intimate channels of affection, obligation, information and representation. At the same time, this multi-sited study also probes the relationships among these three places during the second half of the nineteenth century. Comparing the writing of families engaged with two very different sites of empire—one, an anxiety-ridden garrison state imagined as the ‘jewel in the crown of empire,’ and the other, a more distant and comparatively unknown settler colony on the ‘edge of empire’—the thesis develops a history of British imperial families that underscores the importance of both specific, local contexts and the wider, partially interconnected world of the British Empire.

This thesis deals with the role of American philanthropic foundations in promoting an expert-led approach to international politics in Europe between the two world wars. Harking back to earlier forms of transatlantic elite internationalism, American foundations financed a number of institutions for the ‘scientific’ study of international relations, and constructed a transnational network of international relations specialists. The organisations at the heart of this study, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, funded a variety of think tanks, academies and research institutes, some of which had international and some of which had national constituencies. Institutions supported by the foundations included the Hague Academy of International Law, the Geneva Graduate Institute of International Studies, the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik. Efforts to promote the cooperation between these institutions culminated in the funding of the International Studies Conference, a federation of institutes for the study of international relations organised under the auspices of the League of Nations in 1928. The philanthropic project to promote a ‘scientific’ approach to international relations turned the foundations into actors in a new international politics which they sought to rationalise at the same time. This new international politics was marked by the post- 1919 intertwining of governmental, intergovernmental and nongovernmental structures. Adopting a transnational approach which avoids conventional bilateral perspectives, this dissertation explores foundation activity in a variety of contexts. It analyses the foundations’ role as promoters of international expert exchange and internationalist education; as protagonists of American cultural diplomacy and targets of the cultural diplomacy of other countries; and finally, as nongovernmental organisations which undermined intergovernmental structures. Ultimately, this thesis contributes to the transnational history of American philanthropic foundations and sheds light on the role of nongovernmental organisations as actors in 20th century international politics.

This thesis investigates how and why bishops began to employ specially empowered deputies (i.e. vicars general) to run their dioceses on their behalf, particularly in the course of the thirteenth century. It seeks to discover, in a particular sample, how much administration was effected by means of deputies in the period, the purposes for which deputies were employed, and more generally the consequences of their employment on the role of the bishop in medieval society. Structurally, the thesis is divided into three main sections. The first is a detailed case study of a particular bishop of Winchester and the vicarial administration of his diocese during an absence of some fifteen months, between January 1322 and April 1323. Having established the nature of the phenomenon, the next section, comprised of two chapters, explores the foundations in canon and Roman law that enabled bishops to appoint others to act in their names. Finally, a third section is formed by another case study of a different type. Drawing upon an accompanying edition of acta performed by episcopal deputies in the diocese of Lincoln in the period from 1186 to 1272, it analyses the development of the deputies’ ‘office’ in the formative first century of its existence, from the earliest known instances under St. Hugh of Avalon (r. 1186-1200) until the final vicariate of the episcopate of Richard Gravesend (r. 1258-1279). In addition to analysing this administrative and legal evolution, the final section also considers the circumstances behind the appointment of each deputy, that is, the various reasons why the bishop was incapable of acting himself. The results of this study have important implications for our understanding of the influence of Roman law in the middle ages, assumptions about medieval bureaucratisation, and changes in the nature of the diocese and episcopal office in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

This thesis examines the ramifications of Britain’s negotiations to join the European Community (EC) on Anglo-American relations, 1969-1974. It adds to the historical debate by showing that strong Anglo-American political, economic, and defence relations continued under Heath and Nixon. The prevailing view in this area is that the British Prime Minister Heath sought to re-orientate foreign policy away from the ‘special’ Anglo-American relationship towards the EC. Moreover, it is believed that the Nixon presidency developed a sceptical view of an enlarged, competitive EC. Thus, the Heath-Nixon period is viewed as a low point in the post-1945 alliance because of the EC enlargement. However, while gaining entry into the EC was the top priority for the UK government, Heath and Whitehall sought to preserve close Anglo-American cooperation. Moreover, Nixon considered Western European integration and Anglo-American relations to be important components of the Atlantic Alliance and his Cold War strategy. Tensions did grow: over the substance of China and Middle Eastern policy, the unilateral dismantling of the Bretton Woods system, and the ‘Year of Europe’. But these episodes also showed the strength of the Anglo-American partnership. In the economic sphere the EC enlargement negotiations planted the UK into the middle of US-EC trade conflict over unfair trading practices. Furthermore, the UK’s entry into the EC altered the status of sterling, resulting in a delicate change to Anglo-American economic relations. Yet close cooperation continued in trade and monetary affairs, independent from the enlarged EC. In the field of defence policy, Anglo-American ‘special’ relations actually strengthened under Heath and Nixon with the Polaris missile system upgrade and the continuation of sharing military facilities and intelligence. The 1970s witnessed a subtle policy-making process and adjustment in diplomatic relations, less coherent and straightforward than previously presented. Using recently released government documents, this thesis contributes to developing our understanding of 1970s Anglo-American relations and European integration.

This thesis explores the relationship between Great Britain and the Southern Cone of America between 1808 and 1830, from the perspective of the cultural representations which both regions developed about themselves and about each other. In order to do so, this work consulted newspapers, journals, pamphlets, prospectuses and books published in Great Britain and in the United Provinces, Chile and Perú between 1808 and the 1830’s. This work analyses the way in which cultural representations affected the possibilities for commercial and political relations between Great Britain and the Southern Cone, studying the formation and impact that some economic discourses, particularly about commerce, had in the mindscape of British explorers and South American elites. It also examines the consequences they had in the entangled relationships between Great Britain and the Southern Cone in the first stages of the arrival of global capitalism The work is divided into five chapters. The first deals with the initial stage of the relationship between the Southern Cone and Great Britain during the wars of independence. The second intends to answer the question of what did the elites in the Southern Cone think about foreign commerce and the opening of their countries to commercial expansion. The third chapter shows how British reformists, such as Jeremy Bentham and Francis Place, and British travellers in South America viewed the Southern Cone as a newly opened market and as an ideological laboratory. The fourth chapter studies the process in which South American agents contracted foreign loans in the British market and later organized mining companies to develop South American mines, exposing the interests that shaped them. The fifth chapter analyses the public campaign developed in London against these foreign loans and mining companies.

This project is a study of the structure and personnel of the papal chapel, and the administrative, governmental, legal and cultural activities of papal chaplains in the period 1288–1304. It is based on a new repertory of the collective biographies of papal chaplains compiled for this project, and comprises detailed analysis of this biographical repertory and of information on papal chaplains from the papal curia’s administrative and financial sources, new research concerning papal chaplains’ function in cardinals’ wills and as testators themselves, a comparison of the papal chapel with its contemporary counterpart at the English royal court – the chapel royal – and discussion of papal chaplains’ cultural activities and their role in the production of a curial court culture. It combines two broad approaches. On the one hand, it aims to clarify the administrative and economic structure of the papal chapel and establish the collective biographies of the papal chaplains themselves in the period 1288–1304. On the other, it uses this constitutional, economic and socio-demographic analysis as context for comparison with the English chapel royal and for discussion of the papal chapel’s cultural history in the same period. New information is brought to light on the role of the Roman schola cantorum in the papal chapel, on the history of honorary papal chaplains, on papal chaplains’ musical function, and on the differing course and impact of constitutional rationalisation in the papal chapel and English chapel royal. The contextualisation of cultural activity in the papal chapel with constitutional change shows the decisive importance for cultural history – especially for the papal chapel’s musical history – of dynamics originating outside the cultural domains.

This thesis will explore the discourses of ‘white slavery’, as used to represent the traffic in women and girls for the purposes of sexual exploitation during the first chapter of the history of trafficking in Britain between c.1880 and 1912. It will trace the reconfigurations to these discourses and seek to locate their wider significance(s). How did ‘white slavery’, as a means of thinking about sexual danger in specific times and places, function and why was it made to function in this way? What does its application tell us about the society in which discourses of ‘white slavery’ had resonance? What is the significance of sex trafficking in modern Britain? It will approach this task by analysing, contextualizing and comparing the discourses of ‘white slavery’ that emerged during each of three distinct moments in the history of trafficking in Britain, namely, the scandal over the exploitation of British girls on the near Continent between 1880 and 1882, the proliferation of an international anti-trafficking movement in an age of mass-migration between 1899 and 1910, and the struggle for a Criminal Law Amendment Act to combat trafficking in 1912. Focus will be on the discourses of the individuals and groups rallying against trafficking but the discourses of those dismissive of the need for action against such exploitation will also be considered for the insight these negative voices provide into perceptions of trafficking. This process not only promises to improve our understanding of the nature and implications of the phenomenon of trafficking throughout the years under examination. It also promises to improve our understanding of organized responses to systematic sex crimes against women in modern British history and, moreover, our understanding of the nature of hegemony and the loci of power in society during turn-of-the-century Britain.

My research project focuses on the significance of the role of mortal wives of the gods in 13th century Emar and Thebes in the Third Intermediate and early Late Period. I will analyse how the gods’ human “wives” were thought to provide a direct link between their communities and the divine. The starting point of the investigation will be a brief overview of the history of the two cities and their marriage practices, as well as some religious functions and rituals similar to the ones that will be considered in the case studies. The first case study will focus on the ritual for the installation of the Storm-god’s high priestess (NIN.DINGIR) in Emar, Syria, from the 13th century BC. The second case study will focus on the role of the God’s Wife of Amun in Thebes, Egypt, as attested on the stela of Nitocris, daughter of the Saite king Psamtik in the 7th century BC. The aim of the examination of these two cultic offices is to detect the way in which humans and gods interacted through women. This allows the interpretation of ancient religious practices as a form of diplomacy featuring two social spheres: the human and the divine. The last chapter will analyse the similarities and differences between the two offices, focusing on the social significance of the existence of practices envisioning a woman as a mortal wife of a deity. This comparative analysis will provide a better understanding of the social implications of cultic offices involving women as well as their crucial role in the establishment of solid relations with the gods.

The relations between the Scottish reformed church and the English were at first entirely cordial, mainly because the reformers did not differ in their views on ecclesiastical polity. The forms of government and of worship in the two countries were less dissimilar than has sometimes been supposed, and for a time the constitution of the Scottish church showed a tendency to approximate to that of the Church of England. The later divergence was due to the appearance of ideas on church government which were formulated by Beza and introduced into Britain by his disciples, Cartwright and Melville. In each country a vigorous party demanded equality among pastors and government by a system of courts, and their programme was widely accepted because it promised to remedy many undeniable abuses. Both presbyterians and episcopalians soon became aware that an identical struggle was in progress in the two countries, and the first evidence of this consciousness appeared about 1580, as a result of personal contacts made in the preceding years. In 1584 the archbishops of Canterbury and St. Andrews became allies in their defence of episcopal government and in 1584 and 1585 a number of Scottish presbyterian ministers exiled in England, associated closely with their English brethren. in 1586 and 158? the English presbyterians were encouraged by the success of the Scots in overthrowing episcopacy, and in the succeeding years Scotland provided a refuge for English ecclesiastical rebels - Udell and Penry. Meanwhile, Bancroft, with greater zeal and less discretion than Whitgift, continued the policy towards Scotland which the primate had initiated, and the last decade of the century was a period of increasing tension. While the Scottish ministers were suspicious of the English bishops, the English puritans looked forward to the accession of a monarch who had sometimes been the ally of their Scottish friends.