Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 文学博士 / 乙第2969号 / 論文博第102号 / 新制||文||89 / 4384 / UT51-61-I201 / (主査)教授 武藤 一雄, 教授 武内 義範, 教授 辻村 公一 / 学位規則第5条第2項該当

The thesis studies the response of provincial Charity Organisation Societies (COS's), and similar institutions, to the Poor Law crusade against outdoor relief, 1870-1890. The Societies investigated include those at Birkenhead, Birmingham, Brighton, Leainington, Liverpool, Manchester and Salford, Oxford, Reading, and Southampton. Powerful individualistic propaganda, and support from influential elites, created an aura of COS authority on social affairs which has persisted for more than a century. The research exposes the reality of failure and contradiction in the English provinces behind the facade of unrestrained COS pronouncements. It is shown that provincial COS's were shunned by Poor Law guardians, philanthropists, the clergy, and by the poor themselves. This left scant chance for the Government's intended close working relationships between the official relief and organised voluntary sectors. The thesis examines the disappointing response to COS appeals for lady visitors, and discusses the financial difficulties of many COS's. Within their economic constraints, provincial organising Societies attempted a miscellany of relief methods, some contravening COS principles. The COS ridiculed Poor Law doles for their inadequacy but the research shows that grants from the provincial organised voluntary sector were generally of less value. The ideological and financial advantages of loans increased their popularity with COS's until defaults challenged the efficacy of vaunted COS methodology. COS pensions for "special cases" are shown to have been classdivisive and to possess characteristics the Society themselves criticized about outdoor Poor Law relief. The objectives and provincial achievements of the COS movement by 1890 are debated using criteria they may have chosen in 1870 and are found to be wanting. A number of hypotheses are examined, each designed to explain why a few among the late Victorian provincial middle-class remained committed to cos principles, obdurately indifferent to the changing tide of peer-group opinion.

This thesis investigates the impact of informers and agents upon Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) military strategy, and British counter-insurgency strategy in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1998. The importance of this topic was highlighted by revelations in 2003 and 2005 concerning two senior republicans who had both been working for British intelligence for decades. The uncovering of these two senior spies created intense debate within the media and Irish republican community as to whether the IRA ended its military campaign largely because of significant infiltration. Yet, surprisingly, there has been no dedicated academic study of the impact of informers and agents upon the IRA. A few academics have briefly considered this topic in recent monographs and journal articles. Whilst acknowledging other important factors, they argue that intelligence successes against the IRA played a crucial role in influencing that organization to end its military campaign in 1998. This first in-depth study of the influence of informers and agents on IRA and British strategies during the Troubles cross-references new extensive interview material alongside memoirs from various Troubles participants. Its central argument is that the elusive nature of many rural IRA units, its cellular structure in Belfast, and the isolation of the IRA leadership prevented the organization from being damaged to any considerable extent by spies. In fact, the IRA’s resilience was a key factor encouraging the British government to try to include republicans in political settlements in 1972, 1975 and the 1990s. The IRA’s military strength also points towards the prominence of political factors in persuading republicans to call a ceasefire by 1994. The role of spies in Northern Ireland and the circumstances in which the state permitted negotiations with the IRA are key considerations for those interested in other small-scale conflicts.

This thesis will examine the careers of Alan Basset of High Wycombe and his descendants, in politics, government and society in the thirteenth century. Alan’s five sons boasted varied and dynamic careers: Thomas was a household knight and died on campaign with the crown; Gilbert, although a knight of the royal household, was driven into rebellion in the early 1230’s; Warin died defending his family’s honour in this rebellion; Fulk rose to become bishop of London; and Philip, despite taking part in Gilbert’s insurrection, was in royal service from the 1240’s, becoming Justiciar between 1261-1263 in the midst of the period of reform and rebellion. The research will add to the body of knowledge concerning the relationships between different layers of society both locally and across the kingdom, and demonstrate how service to the Angevin kings could establish a family’s fortune. The study will consider themes of family relationships, landholding, affinity networks, neighbourhood, ecclesiastical patronage and religious devotion, marriages and inheritance, including the role of the Basset women as wives, widows and heiresses in extending family networks, alongside individual careers in royal and church offices. The developing wealth and status of the Bassets of High Wycombe both individually and as a family will be set against the broader contemporary economic and social changes, affecting the knightly class in particular. The research is based on the unique corpus of charter material concerning the family. There is throughout the century an interesting division within the family between loyalists and rebels, which will illustrate issues relating to disinheritance and restoration, and the formal and informal mechanisms deployed in the pursuit of reconciliation. The research will furthermore examine the changing ideology of lordship itself - honour, duty, service and religious devotion- and the evolving relationship between lords and their tenants.

Between 1838 when slavery ended, and 1917, some 143,939 Indians came to Trinidad as indentured labourers. This thesis examines how these migrants pulled from all over the subcontinent, first organised themselves as ‘East Indians’, and then came to demand civic and political rights as Trinidadians from 1897 to1945. Central to this process was the emergence of the ‘Creole Indian’. This group stood distinct both from those who understood themselves as Indian sojourners in the West Indies, and from the African and European elements of the population. This dissertation explores how Indians responded to the plantation experience, the demands and pressures of British planters and colonial administrators, Canadian Presbyterian missionaries and educators, Afro-Trinidadian trade unionism and political nationalism, nationalists in India, and the wider transnational anti-colonial networks which spanned the British Empire. The school, the trade union, temple and mosque were spaces where immigrants and their descendants negotiated new ways of imagining their status as Indians abroad, as subjects of the British Empire, as Indians and West Indians. These negotiations did not move in a homogenous or linear way, but their consequence was to constitute new kinds of identities, embodied in a variety of kinds of political claims, some for special spaces in the society, but more generally for a fuller enjoyment of membership in civic and political rights. There were many competing interests, and there was no single Indian interest or movement. One of the aims of the thesis is to trace the variety of groups, interests, and perspectives which emerged among migrants. To map this complex field of sentiment and organisation helps us to understand better where the ethnic and religious political cleavages which have characterised Trinidad politics since the 1950s have some of their origins. But it is also perhaps, to explore paths not taken, and alternative negotiations of the civic identity of people of East Indian descent as Trinidadians and West Indian. In general, this dissertation is a contribution to the cultural history of politics in twentieth-century Trinidad.

No description available.

This thesis seeks to explain the development of an ‘imperial intelligence system’ connecting Whitehall and the colonies. The system had two roles; to collect information and process it into intelligence for policy and decision making and to provide machinery to coordinate and implement covert action in support of policy. The ‘system’ consisted of parallel information channels; interconnected, coordinated, and directed by committees at various levels. Analysis was mainly conducted in Whitehall departments. The system reflected the split between ‘security’ and ‘foreign’ intelligence and the ‘information gathering’ and ‘covert action’ roles in the British machinery. The system paralleled the British professional intelligence machinery headed by the JIC and this division prevented information from being fully integrated with other consumers in Whitehall. The system was shaped by four major factors: threats; experience; the nature of the administrative system; and the development of professional agenda in both the administration and security organisation (the Security Service and Colonial Police Service) which dictated the points of reform and development over time. Before the Second World War information gathered by ‘police’ and ‘administrators’ was used to manage a colony’s internal politics. The end of ‘colonial isolation’ during the 1930s and 1940s meant colonial problems affected the British state’s international prestige and later its ability to fight the Cold War. To counter this, Whitehall departments sought information to increase their control over colonial affairs, despite the opposition of the Colonial Office which was used to a degree of autonomy. The Colonial Office was more closely coordinated into Whitehall. Colonial and metropolitan intelligence systems were connected and common practices and product formats adopted. Whitehall tried to use ‘counter subversion’ to shape colonial politics. Security intelligence became increasingly important in the last stages of decolonization because, it was the last source of information handed over and consequently it shaped Whitehall’s reactions to events. The machinery also assisted the British to maintain their influence in new states after independence.

The prologue introduces the reader to Anglo-Soviet relations prior to the Second World War; this is followed by part one of the study which highlights the restrictions that were placed on SIS and SOE which effectively excluded them from operations in the Baltic states. Part two of the thesis examines how this exclusion elevated the role of overt intelligence as a substitute form of intelligence; ‘the power of the press’ in this context is a very apt term. The enemy and neutral press were acquired, analysed and any relevant intelligence gained was quickly distributed around the various government departments by the FRPS. The key role the FO played in requesting, prioritising, and utilising the information provided by the FRPS Baltic States Section and the FRPS Russian Research Section is also examined. Part two of thesis concludes with a study of the fruits of the FRPS Russian Research Section’s labours and how its work influenced British post-war policy towards the Soviet Union. Finally part three examines the content of this overt intelligence in two case studies concerning German Economic Policy and Population Policy. Britain’s wartime policy towards the Soviet Union is then described in order to set the work of the FRPS in context. The thesis is not an attempt to complete a top-to-bottom study of the German occupation of the Baltic states, but rather to present the contemporary British perspective on this occupation, a perspective which was derived almost entirely from overt intelligence. How worthwhile this form of intelligence was and how far it helped to formulate wartime and post-war policy are the central questions.

This study looks at Lord Aberdeen’s second tenure as Foreign Secretary, in Robert Peel’s government of 1841-46. The tenure is first contextualised by an analysis of Aberdeen’s ‘mental map’, in order to reconstruct the personal influences and reasoning behind Conservative foreign policy. The study then engages with Aberdeen’s dealings in Europe, where it provides an alternative interpretation of the Anglo-French entente. It considers Aberdeen and the Conservatives’ approach to Russia and the ‘Eastern Question’ which, along with Chapter Two, treads historiographical terra incognita. Britain’s engagement with America is then analysed; the discord of preceding years, various festering diplomatic sores, and America’s growing influence had combined to throw relations into sharp focus. This study re-examines archives that have, for the most part, been long neglected or examined in the light of historiographical debates long superseded by new developments. Where the present methodology varies from previous works is that different questions are being asked of the material in accordance with the new contexts in which Aberdeen and Conservative foreign policy are considered: these relate to conclusions drawn from the analysis of Aberdeen’s ‘mental map’ and to the wider objectives of the Conservative government. This approach facilitates a study in which Aberdeen’s foreign policy is analysed on its own terms. The historiography has hitherto largely used Palmerstonian and/or liberal contexts as the parameters of debate about the foreign policy of the Peel administration, which only served to distort conclusions. This study’s approach leads it to consider a rational and competent Foreign Secretary whose policy dovetailed with the objectives of the Conservative government and was crucial in helping Peel to deliver them. A consistent set of principles ran through foreign policy dealings – albeit with a flexibility reserved for the means by which they were applied – not least a focus on the maintenance and extension of mercantile intercourse as a means by which to consolidate and protect British power. These observations help lead the study to consider a reinterpretation of Aberdeen and the Peel government, and to ask new questions about mid nineteenth-century Conservatism.

This thesis looks at some of the modern approaches towards the solution of Diophantine equations, and utilizes them to display the nonexistence of perfect powers occurring in certain types of sequences. In particular we look at the denominator divisibility sequences (Bn) formed by Mordell elliptic curves ED : y2 = x3+D. For the curve-point pair (E−2, P), where E−2 : y2 = x3 −2, and P = (3, 5) is a nontorsion point, we prove that no term Bn is a perfect 5th power, and we give the explicit bound p � 137 for any term in the associated elliptic denominator sequence to be a perfect power Bn = Zpn for 1 < n < 113762879. We then look at obtaining upper bounds on p for the seventy-two rank 1 Mordell curves in the range |D| < 200 to possess a pth perfect power. This is done by consideration of the finite number of rational and irrational newforms corresponding to an also finite number of levels of these newforms: in thirty cases we give a bound via examination of both the rational and irrational cases, and for the remaining forty-two cases our bound is merely for the rational case due to computational limitations.