n this thesis I argue that an explanation of Themistokles' absence from the strategic of 479/8 can beat be found in his desire to be in a position to creates situation in nellas'in which the Athenians themselves would choose to follow what would otherwise have been the unpopular policy of abandoning interest in Ionia. This policy was the necessary corollary of Themistokles' aim of striving for Athenian hegemony in Hellas. The devious methods he'felt obliged to use illustrate the demos' independence-of its leaders' opinions. This background explains the sources for the transfer of hegemony. It is held that Themistokles was influential in Athens until his ostracism in 470. The success of leading politicians depended primarily on the intrinsic persuasiveness of their arguments, the reputation they could win from personal achievement, and on an attractive personality, ' and less on reputation deriving from family prestige and°pbiloi"connections. The influence of Themietokles can perhaps be seen in the record of military activity in the 470e. Until 470/69 when the anti-Persian drive which culminated at Eurymedon (465) 'began, actions were undertaken only against Eion, Skyros and Karystos. Conflict over foreign policy forms the background to, and immediate cause of the Ephialtic reforms, which were a practical attempt to secure the demos' sovereignty in the face of Kimon'a unconstitutional behaviour and of his manipulation of existing controls on magistrates. The decision to embark on a war on two fronts in 460 was a , 'serious blunder. The failure of Athenian leaders to prevent this course of action requires the assumption either that they were unable to diseuade the demos from adopting a popular course of action, or, more probably, that they dared not oppose the demos' Wishes.

This study provides a detailed examination of resistance to enclosure in Middlesex from the closing stages of the English Republic to the late Victorian period. The evidence presented in the following chapters establishes that resistance was widely spread both over time, (before, during and after any individual enclosure) and geographical location within the county. The study itself is divided into four general sections. The first section is divided into two chapters each having a separate function in setting the scene prior to examining any of the Middlesex evidence. The first chapters sets out both the terminology used by contemporaries and later by historians to describe farming practice in general and the enclosure process in particular. Contemporaries, whether agriculturists or commentators on rural life, and historians have a myriad of terms and conventions to explain the way in which life was organised in the countryside of the past. This introduction to the terminology is necessary. Although I am primarily concerned with labour, and the transition from a rural community with access to the material benefits of common rights to one of exclusive wage dependence, it is still required that we are able to understand the description of agricultural practices as this transition progresses. The second chapter is an examination of previous historians' analysis of enclosure, and their accounts of the responses of commoners to enclosure and the threat of enclosure. The part played by this chapter is to summarise the historical record regarding the commoner as an active player in history or a passive casualty of capitalist improvement. The second section concentrates on the Middlesex rural experience. This is divided into three chapters each dealing with a specific aspect of rural life and work, and acts as a background for the later examination of enclosure resistance. The first of these chapters establishes the agricultural setting of Middlesex throughout the period and assesses the landholding patterns within the county. The second examines how common rights operated locally from parish to parish and from manor to manor. The third chapter shows the use of rights of common in the community and what value was placed on those rights by the commoners themselves. This chapter also surveys the county in order to establish geographically how widespread common rights were in Middlesex. The three following chapters make up the third section and respectively examine the evidence for enclosure resistance between 1656 - 1765; 1766 - 1825 and 1826 - 1889. The reason for this is that each period represents a different era of enclosure. The first era is that of the pre-parliamentary period from 1656 up until 1765. By 'pre-parliamentary' I am referring to local experience. In the sixteenth century the Crown initiated a largely unsuccessful act for the enclosure of Hounslow Heath and this is further discussed in chapter seven. However it was not until 1766 that Middlesex landlords began to use parliament to enclosure their Middlesex estates. Enclosure by personal coercion was a popular device of Middlesex landlords in the seventeenth and eighteenth century and one which they were well prepared to use. Enclosure by act of parliament did not of course remove the coercive element in restricting or extinguishing common rights, however the process was different as was the role of the state; thus the period from 1766 to 1825 has a chapter to itself. This period ends with the 1825 enclosure act for Northolt; the last parliamentary enclosure act for the county. The third chapter deals with the period 1826 to 1889. This final period saw no further individual acts of enclosure although the common fields of several parishes were enclosed under the general enclosure acts of 1836 and 1845, and other commons were enclosed through purchase. Although by this time common rights were severely diminished people were nevertheless willing to fight to keep those rights which had been retained, as well as expressing their dissatisfaction at the loss of previous common rights. The fourth and final section is divided into two chapters. The first examines how the way of life of the commoners was criminalised as the ruling class looked to enclosure as a means of extending their control into every aspect of the lives of those around, (or rather below) them. The purpose of this chapter is to examine how the physical commonfields and commons, and the ideas of common use right and access, interfered with the ability of the local ruling class and their representatives to control the English people. It charts how ideas of crime and anti-social behaviour were attached to the existence of commonlands and how the eradication of the latter would lead to the control of the former. The second chapter of this section examines the evidence in relation to the Marxist interpretation of class struggle and expropriation of the rural peasant. It is also within this chapter that I relate those struggles to the conclusions of earlier historians who have investigated the activity or passivity of the commoners to enclosure. Finally I argue that this struggle was vitally important to class formation, and establishes rural struggles as central to an understanding of class and class consciousness in England during its time as an emerging and maturing capitalist economy. Such conclusions concur with the Marxist view regarding the social and economic condition of commoners and the position of the rural proletariat after enclosure.

This study explores the factors which shaped the local maternal and child welfare services of the inter-war period. It draws on research from local authority minute books, local newspapers, and from mothers themselves. It shows the strong influences exerted by the complex interplay of geographical, economic, political and cultural factors in determining the shape of services in the four very different localities studied here. The services were very different in the different localities, in two of the four areas expensive for the mothers, offering little practical medical or material help, and relying heavily on voluntary effort to meet government targets of every scheme being as self-sufficient as possible. Although it is shown that those indices of maternal and infant health, the infant and maternal mortality rates, fell in all four areas studied, the precise connection between educating the mothers and better perinatal and infant health remains to be established.

Historians of Victorian Britain have focused on the reclamation of prostitutes as an area which illustrates the tensions between middle class ideology, as exhibited by the rescue workers and their organisations, and the experiences of working class women. However, no rescue society has been studied in depth, and consequently the relationship between theory and practice has not been documented. This thesis examines the Salvation Army's Social Services for Women, one of the largest and most prominent rescue work agencies active in late-Victorian London. The first chapter analyses the historiography of rescue work. The principle themes identified are the appropriateness of viewing rescue work as a form of social control, or as an inspiration for feminism. Chapter 2 discusses the formative experiences of the founders of the Salvation Army, William and Catherine Booth, and it is argued that their personal experiences and religious beliefs formed the basis of their later philanthropic activities. Following from this, Chapter 3 examines the development of the Booths' ideas into a model for society which placed greatest emphasis on the responsibility of the individual. This involved a social critique which redefined gender and class relationships in terms of moral 'children' and moral 'adults'. Chapter 4 traces the organisational development of the Army's Social Services for Women, during which theory was modified by practice. Chapter 5 deals with the problematic relationship between rescue work and social purity, as evidenced in the 'Maiden Tribute' agitation of 1885, in which the Salvation Army was prominently involved. Chapter 6 investigates the rescued, their social and economic support networks, and their progress in the rescue homes, through an analysis of 1500 case histories drawn from three different periods. Chapter 7 concludes with a discussion of the contrast between the limiations of the religious perspective and the practical context of the social programme which the Booths embarked upon, and assesses its role and value in late-Victorian Britain.

This study of a coastal settlement, in challenging its traditional classification as a "fishing village", may strengthen the case for more investigations of the kind. Coastal erosion at Robin Hood's Bay created a compactness which contributed to the cohesion of the population. Confined between Highland and the North Sea, the settlement shared the remoteness, cultural even more than geographical, of seaward-looking Whitby. With enclosure as a detectable factor, population was probably drawn from the adjacent countryside in the fifteenth century, to accumulate around a fishing-farming nucleus. In the seventeenth century the traditional manorial situation in Fylingdales began to change, with the introduction of 1,000-year leaseholds in Robin Hood's Bay. This contributed to relative immobility of the settlement's population. Servicing by sea of the local alum industry, and the rise of the east-coast coal trade, became the means of extending the equalitarian and co-operative order of fishing to seafaring and shipping enterprise. The return on this, assisted by the unusually long tenure, was sufficient to support the growth of networks of kin so forbidding in their complexity that family reconstitution, from parish registers and wider genealogical sources, became essential to the study. Concern to protect the family is observable, but the growth of strong, puritanical Nonconformity did not frustrate opportunities presented by smuggling. Attitudes, traditional skills and the economic and social order enabled great advantage to be taken of the increase in nineteenth-century shipping, until steam-power intervened. At the heart of both enterprise and resistance to change was the finest mesh of long-standing, entrepreneurial kin testifying to the powerful socialisation that had fostered continuity of residence and maritime employment. The ethic, and the social and economic order by which this obscure community made the description "fishing village” inadequate, suggests that further scrutiny of the coast, not only for the history of merchant shipping, but for people conditioned to the ordering of their own lives, might be profitable.

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No description available.

This thesis explores local society, covering the spectrum from the great lords to the heavily dependent peasants. A comparison of Domesday Book and the Hundred Rolls enables an assessment of how the structure of landholding altered between 1066 and 1279-1280, and the affect this had on lords and peasants and their positions in local society. Three case study hundreds in different counties are considered, providing the opportunity to consider the confluence of lordship and landscape in shaping the lives of the peasantry. Key themes that are considered are: changes in the relationships between lords and tenants from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries; how these relationships were affected by subinfeudation and fragmentation of lordship; and the relative burdens placed upon peasants, and how this affected the balance of power between lord and tenant. Other factors that could affect the lives of the peasantry are explored, including the impact of the common law on the status of the peasantry and the extent to which this impacted their economic and social position within the local community. Moreover, interactions within local communities themselves (be that vill/manor/hundred) and the increased roles and responsibilities of these communities in royal government are also important themes. How did communities react to the pressures, obligations and opportunities that this provided? To what extent were men from different social and economic groups drawn into local government roles, and how aware were men and women in the localities of government procedure and legislation on a national scale? These questions are all considered in the context of population change and the implications this had for peasant holding size and levels of subsistence.

There are unresolved issues concerning the 1987-88 military conflict in Angola, specifically the battle of Cuito Cuanavale and the role of Cuba. This particular aspect of southern African history is highly controversial and politicized. The original contribution of this dissertation is to provide a detailed scholarly treatment and analysis of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale, drawing from an array of different sources, some of which were not previously available. Cuito Cuanavale is a controversial subject because the outcome and consequences continue to be disputed among the principal protagonists. Arrayed on one side were the armed forces of Cuba, Angola and the South West African People's Organization, on the other, the South African Defense Force, military units of the Union for the Total National Independence of Angola and the South West African Territorial Force of Pretoria-controlled Namibia. By drawing on South African, Cuban, United States documents and other sources, and placing the 1987-88 military engagement in the context of South African military regional intervention, this dissertation elaborates Cuba's role in the conflict and attempts to resolve the questions and disputes surrounding the competing interpretations of the military nature and political ramifications for the apartheid regime of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale.

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 文学博士 / 乙第2924号 / 論文博第101号 / 新制||文||88 / 4383 / UT51-51-B13 / (主査)教授 吉岡 健二郎, 教授 辻村 公一, 教授 岸 俊男 / 学位規則第5条第2項該当