War captives are generally thought to have comprised the main portion of the Roman slave supply during the Republic. Likewise, the result of mass enslavement through continuous war has been interpreted as a principle factor in the agricultural evolution in Italy from the second century BC which saw a significant increase in large plantation style farming (latifundia). The misconception of a male bias in agricultural labour has put a heavy influence on the need for an external supply of slaves rather than through reproduction. However, an analysis of documentary evidence suggests that wartime enslavement was more limited. Problems in supervising, transporting, and trading large numbers of slaves, as well as competing markets elsewhere in the Mediterranean, made immediate absorption of captives as slaves into the central Italian economy problematic. Furthermore, the vast majority of wartime enslavements occurred following the capture of cities, where larger numbers of civilian prisoners were taken, mostly comprising women, children and slaves. Ancient sources frequently exaggerated the number of war captives and often neglected to elaborate on the fate of those taken in war. Many modern historians have been far too quick to assume that prisoners were enslaved, which has given a disproportionate view of the importance of the contribution of war captives to the slave supply and their effect upon the growing slave population at Rome during the Republic. Such assumptions have left critical analysis wanting and, as a result, war captives have been largely neglected by Roman historians. This study attempts to address the gap in our analysis of these crucial practices in antiquity and to offer an explanation of how the taking of war captives was impacted by Rome’s changing socio-political and economic structures during the Republic.

Seit G. E. Lessing beschäftigt sich die Forschung mit der Frage nach dem gewählten Moment in der bildenden Kunst. In seiner Abhandlung „Laokoon oder über die Grenzen der Malerei und Poesie“ stellte Lessing 1766 heraus, dass der Künstler für sein Bild einen Augenblick wählen muss, durch den der Betrachter sowohl wissen kann, was davor geschah als auch was passieren wird. Sein Schlüsselbegriff hierzu ist der „fruchtbare Augenblick“, der diesen ausgewählten Moment genau widerspiegeln soll. Auch neuere Untersuchungen nahmen Lessings Thesen zur Zeitdarstellung in der antiken Kunst als Basis ihrer Analyse. Das Hauptaugenmerk lag dabei auf der griechischen Kunst, jedoch existiert solch eine Untersuchung für die römische Kunst bisher nicht. Die römische Wandmalerei bietet sich besonders für diese Untersuchung an, da gerade mythologische Darstellungen desselben Themas in der römischen Wandmalerei aus unterschiedlichen Zeiträumen erhalten sind. Diese Dissertation zielt darauf ab, die Präferenz eines bestimmten zeitlichen Moments in der pompejanischen Wandmalerei des 3. und 4. Stils zu ermitteln. Lag das Interesse auf dem Höhepunkt einer mythologischen Erzählung und somit auf dem Gipfel der Spannung oder doch auf jenen Episoden, welchen Ruhe und Entspannung inhärent sind, da der Höhepunkt noch bevorsteht bzw. sich schon ereignet hat? Es stellt sich zudem die Frage, ob sich die römischen Künstler mit ihren Darstellungskompositionen in die Tradition der griechischen Kunst früherer Epochen stellten oder ob sie unabhängig hiervon mythologische Szenen visualisierten und autonom operierten. Einen zweiten Schwerpunkt nimmt die bildrhetorische sowie narratologische Analyse ein. Die mittels ikonographischer Untersuchung erfassten Bildelemente und Stilmittel erlauben in Relation mit Wandbildern derselben Bildthemen die Intention seitens der Künstler und Auftraggeber zu präzisieren. / Since G. E. Lessing, research has been concerned with the question of the chosen moment in the visual arts. In his essay "Laokoon oder über die Grenzen der Malerei und Poesie," Lessing in 1766 emphasized that the artist must choose a moment for his image, through which the viewer can know both what happened before and what will happen. His key concept for this is the "fruchtbarer Augenblick", which should reflect this selected moment exactly. More recent investigations also took Lessing's theses on the representation of time in ancient art as the basis of their analysis. The main focus was on Greek art, but such an investigation does not yet exist for Roman art. The Roman wall painting is particularly suitable for this investigation, since just mythological representations of the same theme are preserved in the Roman wall painting from different periods. This dissertation aims to determine the preference of a particular temporal moment in the Pompeian wall painting of the 3rd and 4th styles. Was the interest at the height of a mythological narrative, and thus at the height of suspense, or at least those episodes that are inherent in calm and relaxation, as the climax is yet to come or has already happened? It also raises the question of whether the Roman artists with their compositions in the tradition of Greek art of earlier periods, or whether they independently visualized mythological scenes and operated autonomously. A second focus is the image-rhetorical and narratological analysis. The pictorial elements and stylistic devices captured by iconographic examination allow to specify the intention on the part of artists and clients in relation to murals of the same pictorial themes.

No description available.

With its long tradition of trade contacts with the eastern Mediterranean, coupled with the productivity of Campania, Pozzuoli rapidly became a centre for technical and commercial expertise. It soon became the principal port of the Capital in the late 3rd and 2nd Centuries BC and maintained its function as a port of Rome at least till the 3rd Century AD. Pozzuoli was also a ‘packet port’ for travellers to the east and the principal place of arrivals and departures for officials, embassies and ordinary travellers making the port very cosmopolitan in nature. Its richness in archaeological remains coupled with its unique geological setting has resulted in plenty of scholarly research, particularly on the individual public monuments of the port. There has however been little attempt to understand the urban development of the port and when compared to other Campanian towns such as Pompeii and Herculaneum, thematic research in the area is still in its infancy. The context within which the study will take place is the idea of knowledge representation and the use of visualisation as a tool for understanding complex datasets. Pozzuoli has been represented in many ways through various periods in time and a digital visualisation, together with the process with which the vast documentation is selected gathered, transformed and ultimately aims to provide a legitimate synthesis of all the complex information that has accumulated over time. The methodology adopted will be that which adheres to the principles of the London Charter with a particular a focus on the documentation of process known as ‘Paradata’ and attempts to provide a new critical example of its implementation.

L’intérêt pour la question de l’esclavage public dans le monde romain est ancien. Dès ledébut du XIXe siècle, de premières études sont produites sur ce sujet par des historiensallemands : en 1806, Schumacher publie un De servis publicis populi Romani puis A. Gessnerpropose un essai intitulé De servis Romanorum publicis paru à Berlin en 1844 auquel vients’ajouter, en 1889, l’ouvrage de E. Lehmann, De publica Romanorum servitute quaestiones,publié à Leipzig. À côté ces travaux qui restent relativement limités, les esclaves publics sevoient consacrer plusieurs passages de la remarquable Histoire de l’esclavage dans l’Antiquitéd’H. Wallon3. En se fondant notamment sur la documentation épigraphique à sa disposition,cet auteur a établi un premier inventaire des emplois occupés par ces dépendants et soulignéleur situation particulière au sein du monde servile en relevant les avantages et l’autonomiedont bénéficiaient les servi publici. Précurseur dans cette approche, H. Wallon abordeparallèlement l’étude des esclaves de l’État et celle de ceux des villes. Une quarantained’années plus tard, Th. Mommsen évoque lui aussi dans son Droit public romain4, lespersonnels serviles placés sous les ordres des magistrats romains : le grand historien allemands’intéresse principalement aux esclaves relevant de l’administration centrale à Rome,précisant à la fois leurs fonctions et la spécificité de leur condition juridique par comparaisonavec « les esclaves ordinaires ». Pourtant, Th. Mommsen est contraint de reconnaître qu’à sonépoque le sujet ne peut être traité comme il le mérite car tous les matériaux nécessaires à sonétude n’ont pas encore été rassemblés et classés. Il appelle donc de ses voeux de véritables travaux sur la question. C’est précisément ce que va faire Léon Halkin en publiant àBruxelles, en 1897, une monographie intitulée Les esclaves publics chez les Romains. Aprèsavoir réuni toutes les sources épigraphiques connues à cette date, le principal objectif de cetauteur a été de dresser une liste exhaustive des esclaves et des affranchis publics identifiéstant à Rome que dans les cités de l’Empire. Projetant un examen complet du sujet, il s’estattaché à analyser successivement les origines, les emplois et la condition juridique et socialedes publici. Étude documentée, l’ouvrage de L. Halkin a fait date et est longtemps resté laprincipale référence à propos de l’esclavage public dans le monde romain. Bien qu’ancien, ilconserve aujourd’hui encore une grande partie de son intérêt même si, sur différents points, ils’avère désormais incomplet et quelque peu vieilli dans certaines considérations. D’ailleurs, ila fallu attendre 1977 pour que N. Rouland, dans un article intitulé « À propos des servi publiciRomani »5, revienne sur les travaux d’Halkin et propose de revoir certaines de sesinterprétations jugées inexactes, en particulier sur le plan juridique. Parallèlement à cettebrève synthèse, il faut aussi mentionner la publication à Wiesbaden en 1980 de l’étude plusconséquente de W. Eder, Servitus publica. Ce livre est uniquement centré sur la condition desesclaves publics de l’État qu’il analyse de façon approfondie tout en posant la question del’origine et de l’évolution temporelle du phénomène de l’esclavage public de l’époquerépublicaine à l’Empire. / No abstract avalaible

This thesis uses the early Latin inscriptions of Sardinia to investigate aspects of culture contact and local responses to new ideas of inscribing on stone after the Roman take-over of Sardinia. Previous traditions may also have had an impact on the inscriptions of the Roman era; in this case, the Nuragic and Punic periods which preceded the Roman conquest. The Latin inscriptions are used to examine the results of the cultural encounters between existing populations and incomers and to see whether the incorporation of previous traditions has led to expressions of a more ‘indigenous’ or even a ‘Romano-Sardo’ identity. Epigraphic material is used typically only as a textual source. Naturally there are some exceptions, such as inscriptions with high quality relief sculpture which have been used to investigate perceived identities or the portrayal of certain aspects of life. However, the majority of inscriptions do not fall into this category and the iconographic aspects of these stones are often very subtle. Therefore, the inscriptions studied in this thesis are treated as material culture and their every detail is considered. To this end the concept of the chaîne opératoire is examined and the various stages in the production of epigraphic material are set out. This thesis further considers to what extent inscriptions can be considered as an aspect of Romanisation and postcolonial theory provides the overarching framework with which culture contact is examined. This concept allows this process to be viewed as a fluid two-way interaction, rather than the static imposition of culture by a dominant power. It also permits the contemplation of such issues as changes or continuity in epigraphic expression and the creation of new identities. The main aim is to get a detailed picture of local responses to the imported Latin epigraphic habit, and to this end the island has been split into smaller sections and relational database of the relevant inscriptions has been created to facilitate analysis. The results of this detailed approached are presented in one chapter that gives an overview of the entire island and three chapters addressing case study areas in more detail. The three study areas clearly demonstrate local differences in epigraphic expression and the merger of Roman elements with local practices that in some cases may have been incorporated to set up a distinct non-Roman identity.

The Commentary deals only with stylistic and linguistic matters. Textual problems are sometimes discussed, but only when they can be illuminated by points of usage. Diverse subjects are treated, but certain themes predominate. Many of the notes are concerned with the history and usage of certain words and stylistic devices down to the end of the first century A.D. Tacitus' originality and idiosyncrasies, and his indebtedness both to contemporary developments in educated usage and to the historiographical tradition, are pointed out. Archaisms, poeticisms, and words of high style are differentiated from words current among the educated classes. Tacitus' vocabulary is compared in artificiality with that of previous historians and other archaising writers of the early Empire. The Controversiae and Suasoriae of the Elder Seneca, the Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian, and the Declamations ascribed to Quintilian have been taken as evidence for the ordinary educated usage of the period.

The Introduction is concerned with the antecedents, the circumstances of writing and the structure of the biography. Its first chapter surveys the successive treatments of Cato's figure in the Roman literature: immediately after his suicide at Utica a great literary controversy around Cato came into being: cicero, and later Brutus, Fadius Gallus and Munatius Rufus wrote laudatory accounts while Caesar and A. Hirtius composed defamatory <u>Anticatones</u>. This theme was also central a few years later in Salluet's <u>Catilinarian Conspiracy</u> and was taken up by the aged Augustus in a rhetorical reply to Brutus. With the completion of the Roman revolution the theme of Cato lost its urgency and relevance and during the early Principate Cato's figure is reduced to a few stereotyped acts and situation discussed in the schools of Rhetoric. Yet under the reign of Claudius and Nero a revival in the interest in Cato takes place: Seneca regards him as the Stoic Saint Incarnate, his nephew Lucan makes him the chief hero of his <u>Pharsalia</u>, while Thrasea Paetus composes a full scale <u>Life of Cato</u>: for the senatorial opposition under Nero Cato's figure again has a political relevance. The reign of Domitian ensures the end of the literary preoccupation with Cato: hero worshippers found in Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus a more recent vintage of martyrs for the cause of libertas.

This thesis offers a new understanding of the reign of the Emperor Julian, using as a heuristic tool the Christian theological concept of recapitulation (anacephalaiosis/recapitulatio). Recapitulation encompasses similitudo, iteratio, and restitutio: in Christian thought, Adam is the similitudo of Christ, Christ reiterates Adam’s wrong acts for the purpose of setting them right, overwriting the narrative of his failure, and Christ’s work has the goal of restoration of humanity to God’s friendship. The thesis shows that Julian's imperial programme is illuminated when viewed in similar terms, with the substitution of his uncle Constantine for Adam. The Emperor Constantine had overwritten the narratives of his own political and religious opponents, while Eusebius of Caesarea had portrayed Constantine as a mimetic Christ-figure. The thesis uses the evidence of Julian's writings, above all his Oration VII ‘To the Cynic Heracleios’ to argue that Julian himself also adopted this approach and co-opted the Christian language of recapitulation, narrating Constantine’s career as one of religious apostasy which needed to be set right by his own reversal of Constantine's actions and consequent restoration of the empire to friendship with the gods. Julian cast Constantine as the failed representative who apostatised from Helios and himself as the son of Helios and the divinely chosen representative who would act as saviour for the empire. In this oration, Julian also outlined his role as a new Heracles, sent by his father Helios to be the saviour of the world. In the same work, he criticised Constantine's desecration of pagan religious places. Both literary and material evidence indicate Julian responded in kind with building programs designed to support a pagan revival: the thesis demonstrates that his activities in Constantinople, Jerusalem, and Antioch in particular show a systematic programme of reversal and restoration. Julian's letters to his priests indicate his plans to supplant Christianity's ecclesiastical structure, clerical instructions, and charitable activities. Bringing this theological concept to bear on a series of texts more often considered by classicists than theologians offers, it is hoped, a richer understanding of Julian’s response to Constantine and Christianisation.

This thesis uses Cicero’s letters as evidence for an interpretation of Cicero’s φιλίαι that is at variance with his professed views on φιλία as well as with the conclusions of modern scholars. As the use of the term φιλία over amicitia or “friendship” suggests, the thesis provides a discussion of Cicero’s philosophical beliefs as reflected by his relationship not only with his friends and allies, but also with his family. While there have been several noteworthy studies of his relationship with Atticus and with his family, there is a tendency to accept his claims in his letters to them as genuine. This approach differs significantly from the caution that can be found in the studies of his public speeches and the letters to his allies. This thesis examines the discrepancies between his words and deeds in order to determine the degree of his sincerity. It argues that the inconsistencies and contradictions in his correspondence and philosophical treatises suggest a deliberate effort to use their mutual φιλία for his personal gain. Scholars have assumed that Cicero’s public affiliation with the Academy and his well-attested attack on Epicureanism prove that he did not see any merit in Epicurean philosophy. This thesis rejects this assumption. On the contrary, it argues that his negative attitude towards Epicureans stemmed from a concern about his public persona and a desire to distance himself from Epicurus. After examining Cicero’s relationship chiefly with Atticus, his family, and some of his allies, the thesis concludes that his φιλίαι with them resembled more the Epicurean than the Aristotelian account of φιλία.