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The purpose ofthis thesis is to examine the ways in which women's voluntary organisations enabled Irish women to engage in various forms of social, political and religious-based activism during the middle-decades of the twentieth-century. This thesis contends that, like the earlier generation of activists who fought for suffrage in Ireland, middle-class, often urban, women continued to carve out a niche for themselves in the public sphere through their membership in 'non-political' voluntary associations which aimed to improve their own lives as well as the lives of others, mainly women and children. Voluntary associations drew women together by encouraging them to engage in a wide range of social activism: they brought them into contact with international organisations; encouraged a sense of collective identity; provided relief to the poor and supported the missions of their churches. Membership in voluntary organisations also allowed women to build social capital, engage in interest group politics and effect change in Ireland.' , The identification ofwomen with interest group politics is not often associated with the middle-decades of the twentieth century. In a series of articles and other publications on the origins of interest group politics in Ireland, Gary Murphy asserts that the birth of interest group politics in Ireland began in the mid-1950s with the rise of the National Farmers Association and the subsequent move toward EEC membership in the early 1960s. This thesis demonstrates that through participation in voluntary organisations-such as the Catholic Women's Federation of Secondary School Unions, the Irish Housewives Association, the Legion of Mary and the Women's Missionary Association of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland- women increasingly adopted the role of political and social actors, engaging in, albeit not always successfully, interest group politics.

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In writing this thesis my aim has been to provide answers toa series of neglected and important questions about the Council of Ireland. I wanted to discover what political circumstances gave rise to the idea of the Council and what connection it had with wider British/Irish politics. I analysed what the Council was meant to achieve and if the concept and objective of the Council altered over time. In particular I examined how far the Council was used as a vehicle for Irish unity, what role it played in fostering better north/south relations and if it was used as a mechanism for crisis management in wider fields. I also wanted to ascertain how the Council was perceived by the different political groupings who supported the Council and who opposed its existence, and if this support and opposition altered, and why. The attitudes of the British and Irish governments to the Council were analysed to discover what they were, if they altered and, in addition, if their attitudes to each other altered as a result of being involved in the work of the Council. I examined the strengths and weaknesses the Council had over its lifetime and which elements of the Council and political society were constant and which changed, and why.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth century Ireland was dominated economically and politically by a powerful elite whose ownership of land not only provided them with wealth but also gave them access to positions ofpolitical influence on a local, national and even international level. The closing years ofthe nineteenth century witnessed a powerful. challenge to this elite on both an economic and a political front. While these developments resulted in the rapid decline ofthe southern landed class and the loss ofmany oftheir big houses, this thesis argues that the experience ofthe landed class in the north-eastern six counties oflreland was very different in many respects. It examines the serious impact that agricultural depression and land legislation had on landlords throughout Ireland during the I880s and 1890s. It argues, however, that, through a combination ofcareful management ofresources and more favourable land legislation in Northern Ireland after 1921, northern landlords were placed in a much better position to continue maintaining their country houses than were landlords in what was now the Free State. The thesis also investigates the eA1ent to which the northern landed class continued to operate as a political and social elite in the opening decades ofthe twentieth century. It examines the significance oftheir continuing social links with Britain's landed and political elite and the importance ofthis for their continued relevance in twentieth century society. It also examines the move that many ofthem made into leadership roles both in opposition to ~ome Rule and within the new state ofNorthern Ireland and argues that, although increasingly challenged by a powerful middle class, their continued role in society had an important influence in e:ll.1ending the survival ofthe big house in the north-east oflreland.

When Westminster assumed direct responsibility for the governance of Northern Ireland, in March 1972, this was intended to be an interim measure. Stormont had been prorogued primarily due to the nationalist reaction to internment. Therefore, a major political initiative was launched to increase the British Parliament's role in the province, reform the local institutions and security apparatus, and even to transform Anglo-Irish relations. The most notable features ofthis were the introduction of power-sharing and the proposal of a Council ofIreland. The aim of this thesis is to explain this policy in detail, with particular focus upon the reasons for it.

This thesis explores the role played by the Church of Ireland, the largest Protestant Church in Ireland, in Irish politics between 1910-1918, a period marked by dramatic events such as the Ulster Covenant, Lame gun-running, First World War and Easter Rising. This period was defined by Home Rule. Irish Unionism strongly opposed the intention of the Liberal government to grant Ireland a degree of legislative independence, as embodied in the third Home Rule bill. The Church of Ireland was an at times integral part ofthis Unionist opposition. The Church was highly involved in the mechanics of Unionist grass roots politics, playing a leading role at general election meetings in 1910, and in Unionist Clubs, as well as, from 1913, the Ulster Volunteer Force. The Church also played a role in justifying Unionist opposition to Irish self-government. The thesis explores how important the Church ofIreland was in legitimating Unionist resistance, and especially in attempting to provide a moral framework for Ulster Unionist militancy in 1913-14. The thesis also examines the effect the Church's involvement in Irish politics had within the Church. In 'secular' Irish Unionism, the period was marked by disunity. The issue ofpartition also threatened to split the Church ofIreland, as it replicated the tensions caused within Irish Unionism by the issue. The Ulster Covenant in 1912 suggested the Church in Ulster would support an Ulster focused anti-Home Rule strategy. Events during the War confirmed this partitionist impulse from northern Church members. Supplied by The British Library - 'The world's knowledge' 1! I This thesis argues that the Church ofIreland's influence in politics in this period was largely one ofdecline, as the issue ofpartition meant the Church ultimately could not speak with one voice on the 'Irish question'.

This thesis engages with the material culture of Irish people and society in the period 1824-1926 in order to engage with the ‘excluded people’, those of lower social and economic status who have often been neglected by scholarship and who were marginalised by contemporary sources. In doing so, it adopts an interdisciplinary historical-archaeological approach, drawing on a wide range of data sources, including fieldwork, cartographic sources, contemporary accounts, and reassessment of archaeological, historical, and ethnographical scholarship. This approach is applied to three diverse study-areas, two rural and one urban: Tuosist, Co. Kerry; Ceantar na nOilean, Connemara; and Thomastown, Co. Kilkenny. In each study-area, the poor are considered through the lens of society as a whole, focusing on the three main themes of belief, health, and work. Through this multi-faceted approach, this thesis achieves a more nuanced understanding that challenges both modem scholarly perceptions and contemporary observations of the character of the poor in Irish society; the interconnectedness of all sections of society is shown, as well as the inadequacy of categories such as ‘poor’, ‘rich’, ‘Catholic’, and ‘Protestant’. This thesis aims to contribute to a more balanced view of Irish society from 1824-1926, highlights the need to protect the rich but vulnerable archaeological record from the post-1700 period, and demonstrate the value of an historical-archaeological approach providing a precedent for future research. The central research question addressed in this study is: How does the application of the historical archaeology approach illuminate Ireland’s people and society during this period 1824-1926?

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The period 1861-1914 was one of significant upheaval in Irish politics, culminating with the passage of the third Home Rule bill in 1912-14. This also coincided with a period of particular religious influence in British politics, known as the 'nonconformist conscience', whereby pressure was exerted on the government to act in manner consistent with evangelical Protestant principles. This study will explore Methodist responses to political developments in the between the first administration of William Gladstone in 1868 and the outbreak of th~ First ·World War in 1914. This will be achieved through the examination of a variety of primary sources: denominational newspapers; official documents; personal correspondence; and pamphlet literature. It will examine who were the Methodists of Ireland between 1868-1914, and how they reacted to outside pressure. This demographic analysis will reveal the strength of Methodism in Ireland, its geographical distribution and the electoral influence of its members. It will seek to explore the relationship between the Irish and British Methodist Connexions, both with regard to theological and ecclesiological developments and to their political outlook. It will challenge the view that there was a homogeneous Irish Protestant bloc with a unanimous political voice in the late nineteenth century. This will be done through particular reference to the Irish Church Act of 1868, the Education Act of 1870 and the three Home Rule crises of 1885, 1893, and 1912-14. The developing attitude of Irish Methodists to politics will be explored as they seek to resolve the tension between morality and politics and construct alliances to further their political vision.