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The central focus of this study is an examination of aspects of Kinnock’s leadership between 1983 and 1992. The core problem of the dissertation is to investigate the ways in which Kinnock used his position as leader to weld his party together, isolate and limit the power of opponents who he saw as electoral liabilities, make backstage alliances, encourage a rapprochement between the moderate left and the right of the party and, using the resources he had, determine the direction he thought the party should take. Seeking to follow Peter Clarke’s methodological lead, the dissertation considers contingent explanations for why Kinnock may have acted ‘in the particular’. By concentrating on a micro-level analysis, the dissertation seeks to recapture the complex play of causation in specific instances, in order to understand what happened in particular, rather than in general. Clarke’s methodology is supplemented by Erving Goffman’s conceptual insights and dramaturgical approach, which provide a language to interrogate and explain how actions and words were seen and understood, and how they were meant to be seen and understood. Such an approach, utilising Peter Shore’s identification of the key areas on which a Labour leader had t manifest his authority - the extra-parliamentary movement, parliament and country - empowers the historian to offer a finer grain analysis of Kinnock’s leadership than any other study has previously attempted. While histories of the period are valuable in identifying the problems Kinnock faced, they seldom get to grips with an analysis, <i>of how</i> he solved them or<i> why</i> he succeeded or failed. For example, why was his oration at Bournemouth so powerful and what were the consequences? Why did Kinnock fail to win some important conference votes - OMOV, for instance, in 1984 - and how did he triumph on union balloting in 1986, when the odds were stacked against him? How can one understand and make sense of these events? Why did Kinnock seem untrustworthy? Why was there such biting tension between Kinnock and the media and what responsibility did the Labour leader and his office have in perpetuating this climate of distrust? If the Labour leader performed poorly in parliament, what were the reasons for that? What were the limitations on Kinnock’s leadership? The aim of the study is to examine aspects of Kinnock’s leadership in this period, not to argue <i>what</i> happened, but <i>how</i> it happened, why it was important and, in light of that understanding, to discuss some of the crucial effects and how they came about.

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During the nineteenth century Britain became an industrialised and urbanised nation. High levels of mortality and recurring epidemics in cities and densely-populated areas were problems that the central government did not efficiently deal with until relatively late. However, in the North of England, many towns started from mid-century to search independently for local solutions to these problems. This Ph.D. project concentrates on investigating, what was done in three provincial towns - Wakefield, Halifax and Doncaster - to promote health and to reduce mortality. The three towns under analysis were chosen on the basis of their different social and economic structures, infant and child mortality rates, sex ratio, and population size. Particular emphasis was laid on the quality of archival sources and the local press. The dissertation focuses on investigating the dynamics of public health politics in the three towns under analysis. It covers the local debates and actions taken to improve the water supply, sewerage, sanitation and housing of the three towns. Also, the problem of rivers pollution is dealt with. Smallpox vaccination and resistance are also discussed as well as action taken against other infectious diseases. The dissertation further offers an analysis of the efforts to guard the food supply of the three towns, and particular attention has also been paid to efforts to improve the welfare of infants and young children. It is also shown how co-operation and conflict occurred in the public health politics of the three towns in their relations with central and county authorities as well as with other towns in the same area. It is argued that even within a relatively small geographical area such as West Yorkshire, very different public health policies were adopted by local authorities and that towns seldom had a flawless sanitary record on all fields of public health. An attempt is also made to show the connection between public health action and mortality levels in the three towns under analysis. Expenditure on public health projects and local rates are also analysed in this work.

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This study seeks to examine the impact and importance of the first general election to be fought on universal suffrage. The nature and success of party appeals to women voters is considered first; despite continuities in party methods of policy appeal, women's majority presence in the electorate had subtle and lasting effects that were already apparent. These include the change in the balance between 'producers' and 'consumers' in the electorate, and it is suggested this change locked each party even firmly into an anti-inflationary political economy. Secondly, the three main parties are examined. Labour, despite disadvantages, was turning its focus from industrial to political action and evolving its long-term political strategy, and continuities in political tactics can be observed between MacDonald, Wilson and Blair. A large amount of Labour's tactics and positioning can be explained by the desire of key figures to place every obstacle in the way of the Liberal party. The Liberal party's radical proposals for reducing unemployment are examined in terms of electoral strategy rather than economic efficacy, and it is suggested that concentrating upon unemployment offered the Liberals their best chance of achieving electoral reform. The Conservatives, it is argued, were subject to constraints other than the desire to destroy the Liberal party. These meant that concentrating on Baldwin and 'Safety First' was the only practical option for the election. It is suggested that some of the constraints upon the government were virtually insoluble, and at least partly the consequence of the franchise extension. The election campaign is analysed, and it is suggested that whilst the primacy of macro-economic debate made 1929 'the beginning of now', all parties actually retreated into orthodoxy and the campaign turned more around personalities, 'trust' and confidence. Analysis of the results suggests Labour was the net beneficiary of Liberal intervention, and that the two-party system would be more troublesome for Labour than the Conservatives.