The major aim of the present work is to provide a re-assessment of the morphological and taxonomic affinities of several adult and juvenile fossils from the territory of the former Soviet Union that retain frontal bones. Nine fossils were analysed and compared with a sample of Late Pleistocene hominins and recent modern populations. Analytical techniques included traditional inter-landmark measurements, as well as a geometric morphometric toolkit for the 3D surfaces. The following patterns were found in the comparative sample: 1) the best differentiation in the frontal bone morphology exists between the 'modern' and 'archaic' groups of hominins, where the former is composed of recent and Upper Palaeolithic modem humans, and the latter incorporates Neanderthals and early modern humans from Africa and West Asia 2) Upper Palaeolithic humans from central and eastern Europe differ significantly from the pooled sample of the nine recent modern human populations 3) the morphology of the complete frontal bone discriminates between hominin groups better than the supraorbital relief 4) recent modern humans and Neanderthals display diverging growth trajectories in the shape of the frontal bone differences already exist at the earliest age stages represented here (2.5 years in Neanderthals) and increase towards adulthood. Within the above framework, all Sungir' fossils align with the recent modern human morphological variation. In contrast, the fossil frontal from Podkumok, North Caucasus, is associated with the Upper Palaeolithic sample of fossils. Satanay, Khvalynsk and Skhodnya frontal bones have an ambiguous morphological associations generally aligning with the modem morphology but demonstrating particular combination of features that sometimes make them closer to the 'archaic' fossils in the sample. The Teshik-Tash child is found to be similar to Neanderthals in the frontal bone morphology. However, it shows lesser degree of the development of the 'classical' Neanderthal morphology and deviates towards the early modern humans. The Starosel'e child did not demonstrate any affiliation with the 'archaic' morphological pattern in its frontal bone.

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This interdisciplinary dissertation seeks a more holistic and broader understanding of political identity formation processes in post-USSR Eastern Europe. It seeks to develop a theoretical approach for assessing the non-rationalistic factors, which influence domestic and foreign policy, political attitudes and identities in the region – including associative symbolism, human experience, political images and historical narratives. The research is based on the main case of Lithuania, which is analysed in the first three chapters of the dissertation from three perspectives: the historical/political, the intellectual/narrative and the experiential/symbolic. Along the way, a theory is being inductively elaborated, offering new insights into the process of Lithuanian political identity formation. In the next two chapters, other cases are also explored in order to examine the theory’s applicability and broaden its spectrum of inquiry. These include Russia, Poland, Estonia and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Qualitative methods are used in this dissertation, including textual and visual analysis (of primary and secondary literary sources, photographs, film, etc.), unstructured interviews, historical analysis, as well as political, philosophical and anthropological theoretical approaches by Roland Barthes, Raoul Girardet, Alasdair MacIntyre, Charles Taylor, Victor Turner, Arpad Szakolczai, and others. The dissertation seeks to improve our understanding of political identity formation, periods of political transition and the importance of human experience to politics. It also aims at developing a theory capable of accounting for the often unrecognised factors of historical narrative, political symbolism and emotional associative charge. As a result it makes a contribution towards a better understanding of post-USSR Eastern European politics and thus to more effective policy towards the region, which is gaining increasing importance in global political arena.

Global Governance im Diskurs (XVI) ● Sammelband der ‘dgksp-diskussionspapiere’ (2021–2023) mit Vorbemerkungen & Kommentaren zum Thema (I–XV):Global Governance im Diskurs (XVI) Sammelband der ‘dgksp-diskussionspapiere’ (2021–2023) Vorbemerkungen & Kommentare zum Thema (I-XV): ● I Global Governance im Diskurs – China und Russland positionieren sich, April 2021; ● II Zum Vertrag Russland – China (2021), August 2021; ● III „Harmonisierung der Interessen im Dialog“ versus „Regelbasierte Weltordnung“ und Bidens „Gipfel für Demokratie“ (2021), Dezember 2021; ● IV Russland und „der Westen“ im Ringen um das strategische Kräftegleichgewicht in der Ukraine und in Kasachstan (2022), Januar 2022; ● V Zum Gipfeltreffen Russland – China (Febr. 2022), Februar 2022; ● VI Russland im Ukraine-Konflikt (2022) um eine neue Weltordnung und die „Militärstrategie der Ukraine“ (März 2021), März 2022; ● VII Die militärische Lage im Ukraine-Konflikt vs. geostrategischer Informationskrieg (I), April 2022; ● VIII Strategische Konzepte für Donbass – Krim, Mai 2022; ● IX Die militärische Lage im Ukraine-Konflikt vs. geostrategischer Informationskrieg (II), Juni 2022; ● X Zur X. Moskauer Konferenz über Internationale Sicherheit, September2022; ● XI Eskalation im geostrategischen Ringen um Ukraine und Kasachstan (2022), November 2022; ● XII ‘Waldaj-Diskussionsklub’ Forum 2022, Dezember 2022; ● XIII Strategische Illusionen und Realität im Ukraine-Konflikt aus russischer Sicht (2022/23), Februar 2023; ● XIV Gipfeltreffen Russland–China (März 2023) – Schritt zur strategischen Partnerschaft, März 2023; ● XV Zur Konzeption der Außenpolitik der Russischen Föderation (März 2023), April 2023.

This thesis describes the establishment of the Commissariat of Education (Narkompros), the formation of its policies and their implementation. The study has two purposes. The first is to present an institutional history of the formation of a Soviet commissariat. The second is to examine the policies and organizational approaches of Narkompros towards education and the arts, as a major factor i# the establishment of relations between the Soviet government and the Russian intelligentsia. The original materials on which the thesis is based are the Narkompros files of the Central State Archives (TSGAOR and TSGA RSPSR) in Moscow. These consist largely of minutes and protocols of the collegium of Narkompros and some of its subordinate departments. Prom these materials, it is possible to reconstruct both the internal workings of Narkompros - its .organizational complexity and confusion, its financial difficulties, the relations between its members - and, to a considerable extent, its relations with other government and Party institutions. One of the problems interesting the author is the relationship of Narkompros with its superiors (VTSIK, Sovnarkom, the Central Committee, the Politburo), and the way in which these bodies influenced its policies and activities. It appears that interference from above was slight, except in times of crisis; and that at all times the proliferation of 'higher instances' made it relatively easy to evade unwelcome instructions from any one of them. In its relations with other commissariats and Vesenkha, Narkompros engaged in a series of demarcation disputes. These were often won on paper and according to the decision of Sovnarkom, but lost in practice because of Narkompros' weak economic position and lack of political influence. None of the leaders of Narkompros - Lunacharsky, Pokrovsky, Krupskaya and later Litkens - held influential positions in the Party. Narkompros 1 greatest political asset was Lenin's support, which (except on some artistic questions) was almost always given. The interest of other Party leaders in education and Narkompros was intermittent and, as regards Narkompros, not usually benevolent. Zinoviev, Kamenev, Stalin and Preobrazhensky all, on occasion, attacked or opposed Narkompros - a relevant factor in the case of Zinoviev and Kamenev being that both had wives working in Narkompros (Lilina and Kameneva) who were at odds with the Narkompros leadership. Dzerzhinsky made one major intervention in educational affairs, when he removed a whole sphere of Narkompros activity (child welfare) to the effective control of the GPU. VTSIK, of which Lunacharsky was a member throughout this period, was normally sympathetic to Narkompros; but its support of Narkompros projects rarely yielded substantial results, because other bodies disregarded its recommendations. The same was true, although to a lesser extent, of Sovnarkom resolutions on Narkompros 1 behalf. The Central Committee of the Party considered educational questions less frequently than VTSIK or Sovnarkom, and intervened usually to chastise Narkompros. Narkompros was in name, and indeed in fact, the commissariat of enlightenment. Its educational policies were solidly "based on the most enlightened and progressive educational theories of the time. But the execution of these policies was enormously hindered by the hostility of the intelligentsia and the ignorance of the masses. They foundered in the confusion of the Civil War and economic crisis. The leaders of Narkompros believed in encouraging local, popular initiative in the organization of education. They made little attempt to create a strong centralized administration of education. For this reason, among others, few of Narkompros' educational policies were satisfactorily realized in practice. In dealing with cultural and educational institutions - the universities, the Academy of Sciences, the theatres, Proletkult - Narkompros found itself in something of a dilemma of principle. It was ready to give independence and administrative autonomy, "but only in return for some show of cooperation and sympathy with the Soviet government. The universities, though very anxious for autonomy, were overtly hostile to Narkompros and the government. The Academy of Sciences approached Narkompros courteously (although without any declarations of political loyalty), and retained a degree of autonomy which the universities were denied. Proletkult was at first allowed "both autonomy and government subsidy by Narkompros; but, in 1920, Lunacharsky was rebuked for overlooking the political dangers of Proletkult's independence. Lunacharsky was always insensitive to nuances of political relations between revolutionary socialist groups, and this brought him into conflict with Lenin on the Proletkult issue. In the sphere of literature and the arts, Narkompros - and Lunacharsky in particular - acted as intermediary between the government and the intelligentsia. It was an ungrateful task. Narkompros and Lunacharsky were frequently criticized in government and Party circles for 'softness' towards the intelligentsia. They approached the intelligentsia in a conciliatory spirit which was rarely reciprocated: the organized' intelligentsia in the universities, Union of the arts and Teachers' Union responded belligerently, -and with a certain undertone of contempt. In spite of this, Lunacharsky had some success in opening channels of communication between the arts and the government. This, rather than the organization of an 'administration' of the arts, - involving subordination to government control of persons and institutions which had been or wished to be independent of it - was his intention. His policy towards the arts was to tolerate and subsidize all groups showing a minimum of cooperation with Narkompros, and to avoid at all costs sponsoring any sort of artistic monopoly or 'official' art. This was a policy which would have appealed to the artistic left in the 1930s, but in this period it was greatly resented. The futurists and 'proletarian' artists, particularly those who were Communists or Communist sympathizers (including Mayakovsky and Meyerhold), did not want toleration but monopoly, and loudly reproached Lunacharsky for withholding it from them. Lunacharsky defended the principle of individual creative freedom; one of his opponents on the left (Kerzhentsev) suggested in reply that Communist writers and artists should be brought under 'Party discipline' in their work. In 1920-21, the leaders and policies of Narkompros suffered heavy criticism and were partially discredited. By the end of 1921, the achievements of Narkompros in the educational sphere had been largely destroyed "by the economic crisis and by the New Economic Policy, which removed the greater part of educational financing from the central budget. This double defeat of Narkompros raises the question of whether its policies and ideals were fundamentally incompatible with the general policies of the Party and the institutions of Soviet government. The thesis concludes that the economic situation contributed overwhelmingly to Narkompros' defeat; and that the educational system which Narkompros had tried to create was beyond the financial and organizational capacity of the Soviet republic to sustain. The political explanation of Narkompros' defeat is accepted in part. On the one hand, many influential members of the Party and government regarded the leaders of Narkompros with suspicion as, in Stalin's phrase, 'old literati' of the revolution. Narkompros remained civilian in outlook and permissively democratic in method, resistant to the enthusiasm for strict centralization and military discipline which had been generated by the Civil War.

Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_9359_Dissertação Eline Mestrado em Clínica Odontológica 2015.pdf: 3683484 bytes, checksum: a448aba8f5013cb4bd007e8eb8c254e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-20 / No processo de tumorigênese, a laminina-332 executa múltiplos processos biológicos através de sua cadeia γ2, e a MMP-9 atua no processamento dos componentes extracelulares. Nós propomos analisar o perfil molecular da cadeia γ2 e da MMP-9 em leucoplasias de alto risco, carcinomas in situ (CIS) e carcinomas de células escamosas invasivos (CCEs) e estabelecer possíveis correlações clinicopatológicas. As expressões da cadeia γ2 e de MMP-9 foram avaliadas por imunohistoquímica em 10 pacientes com lesões orais de alto risco de malignizaçāo e 26 casos com CCE invasivos. Através de imunomarcação da cadeia γ2 foi possível observar uma membrana basal contínua na maioria das lesões de alto risco de malignizaçāo enquanto que uma membrana descontínua ou ausente predominou nos casos de CCEs invasivos. Células do estroma de CCE invasivos apresentaram expressão mais elevada de MMP-9 quando comparada aos casos de lesões de alto risco. A associação entre o perfil clínico dos pacientes e os achados imunohistoquímicos demonstrou que fumantes com CCEs invasivos tiveram expressão mais elevada da cadeia γ2 no compartimento epitelial e de MMP-9 nos fronts invasivos. Ainda, aumento da expressão de MMP-9 no estroma foi associado aos pacientes do sexo masculino com idade superior a 60 anos diagnosticados com CCE invasivo. Nossos resultados indicam uma associação entre características clínicas e microscópicas em lesões orais com alto potencial de malignização e nos carcinomas orais, com uma mudança progressiva na expressão da cadeia γ2 e MMP-9 durante o processo de tumorigênese.