Many authors have used the term neo-Zapatismo. For virtually all of them, neo-Zapatismo is limited to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and to one essential idea, the "revival" of Zapatismo. "Revival" implies innovation and transformation, but it does not make it clear that the EZLN is at the heart of a wider current that reaches beyond it and, in tum, transforms it. This thesis analyses civil neo-Zapatismo through its many networks. Civil neo-Zapatismo includes a wide variety of Zapatista sympathisers, "NGO" activists, militants from indigenous and campesino organisations, members of the urban middle classes and popular, altemative and marginalised sectors of society. At different moments and in different ways, these neo-Zapatistas supported the Zapatista political demands, and some of them also entered into strategic alliances with the EZLN. Taking into account their values and norms as well as their forms of organisation, six kinds of neoZapatista networks have been identified: agrarista, democratic-electoral, indianistaautonomist, "women's rights", altemative revolutionary and intemationalist networks. Their members took part in wider political debates which they transformed through their opposition to official discourses. In this thesis, I explore in detail the inter-subjective dimensions of social and political relations as well as the "moral grammars" that underpin the Struggle for Recognition that I found to be characteristic of neo-Zapatismo. Neo-Zapatistas link the recent past of "The Repression" with present-day "Paramilitarisation" through their "collective memories of grievances". The "low intensity warfare" waged in Chiapas after the Zapatista uprising became a key concept that helped to reinforce neo-Zapatista "transnational advocacy networks". This term was taken up and popularised by some "NGOs" and became a crucial factor to influence both national and international opinion and policy-making. Finally, I demonstrate that "the conflict in Chiapas" has become part of a new global model for the exercise of power and war through networks

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My research is concerned with how the Postclassic Mexica people developed their unique perspective of history and environment in a dynamic cultural context. By focusing on the process of conceptualization of the Nahuatl word 'xihuitl', I analyze the way the Mexica expressed their cognition. Xihuitl covers a range of meanings: 'turquoise', 'grass', 'solar year', 'comet', 'preciousness', 'blue-green' and 'fire'. To group these meanings may seem odd because there is nothing to connect them that is intuitively obvious in the modern sense. I propose that xihuitl represents an aspect of cognition peculiar to the Mexica, and is linked especially to the economic, political and religious concerns of the Mexica elites. The meanings covered by xihuitl were not established at one time but were a product of history the history of the Mexica's experiences in and of their ever- changing environment. The correlations of the meanings of xihuitl can be explained from a structural point of view. However, structural analysis does not reveal the dynamic experiential processes that produced such correlations in the minds of the Mexica. In order to account for this dynamic aspect of the concept, I employ a theory drawn from cognitive science. This theory argues that the meanings and representations of a concept are metaphoric extensions that derive from the central sense of the concept. Applying this theory, I examine the metaphoric extension of each xihuitl representation from the central sense. I also analyze the four media of expression linguistic, iconographic, material and ritual in which representations of xihuitl occur. The representations of xihuitl in each medium embody a particular aspect of the concept. At the same time, the concept as a whole was affected by the Mexica conceptual system the way the Mexica saw their world rooted in the connections they believed existed between themselves and those who established earlier Central Mexican civilizations.

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No description available.

This thesis examines Mexico's relationship with the Second Spanish Republic, and analyses the rationale behind the Lazaro Cardenas government's (1934-1940) decision to provide military, diplomatic and moral support to the Republic during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The Mexican government sent arms and ammunition to Spain when other nations refused to do so, constrained by the so- called Non-Intervention Pact. Moreover, Mexican diplomats organised a covert network to buy arms in third countries and then re-direct them to Spain. Mexico also lent the Spanish Republic its diplomatic backing at the League of Nations, where its delegates defended the Republican cause and denounced both the Axis intervention and the democracies' inaction. The thesis also interprets the repercussions that such policy had on internal Mexican politics, and for Mexico's international position, most particularly with regards to the United States. The Spanish War generated a backlash in Mexico, with the growth of a domestic Right, heavily influenced by European Fascism and Spanish Falangism. Conversely, Cardenas' position concerning Spain ultimately afforded his government the backing of the Roosevelt administration in the final showdown with that Rightist opposition. Extensive reference is made to primary sources, mainly diplomatic documentation and newspaper reports of the period.

Anastasio Bustamante was born in the modern day state of Michoacan in 1780. He served the Royalist Army during the insurgency (1810-1821). He was one of the first officers to adhere to Agustin de Iturbide's Plan of Iguala in 1821, and a signatory of the Act of Independence (28 September 1821). He was a member of Mexico's first independent government, the Junta Provisional Gubernativa (1821- 1822) and served as the Captain General of the Eastern and Western Internal Provinces during Iturbide's short-lived reign as Emperor (1822-1823). He served as the Commander General of the Eastern Interior Provinces between 1826 and 1829. In 1829 he became Vice-President of the Republic. In December 1829 he led a successful rebellion against the incumbent President, Vicente Guerrero. He served as acting Head of the Executive between 1830 and 1832. In 1837 he was elected President. He occupied this position until 1841. He commanded the troops of the Western Division during the war with the United States (1846-1848). Between 1848 and 1849, he oversaw the pacification of one of the many rebellions of the Sierra Gorda (now the Sierra de Queretaro). He died in Guanajuato in 1853, aged 73. This study examines Bustamante's military and political career. It rejects the traditional interpretation of the General, which portrays him as a weak and indecisive man lacking in any real political principles. Instead, it argues that Bustamante was a resolute and pragmatic leader, who supported the cause of moderate federalism for most of his career.

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No description available.

Composée dans la seconde moitié du X$^\textup{e}$ siècle, l'*Antapodosis* de Liudprand de Crémone est l'une des œuvres majeures de cette période du Moyen Âge. Le texte historique a connu une bonne diffusion dans l'Europe médiévale, mais il s'accompagnait d'une critique forte, alors que le texte était dénigré pour son contenu anecdotique et peu sérieux. Les historiens du XX$^\textup{e}$ siècle ont su redorer une partie de la réputation de l'*Antapodosis*, mais le texte reste peu étudié, sinon par quelques initiés. Le présent mémoire propose une étude de cette œuvre à travers une thématique peu abordée par les historiens de Liudprand jusqu'à présent. Il cherche à analyser l'expression du temps dans le récit, par son cadre temporel, certes, mais également par les dynamiques de lectures qui s'inscrivent dans le texte par le jeu de références au passé. L'œuvre, replacée dans son contexte d'écriture, révèle une conception du temps qui dévoile une compréhension de l'histoire particulière à son auteur. / Composed in the second half of the 10th century, Liudprand of Cremona's *Antapodosis* is one of the major works from this time period of the Middle Ages. The historical text widely circulated in medieval Europe, but it was met with strong criticism, being dismissed for its anecdotal and frivolous content. Twentieth-century historians have managed to restore some of the *Antapodosis*'s reputation, yet the text remains little studied, except by a few specialists. This dissertation proposes a study of this work through a theme that has been little addressed by historians of Liudprand thus far. It seeks to analyze the expression of time in the narrative, not only through its temporal framework but also through the reading dynamics embedded in the text by references to the past. The work, placed within its writing context, reveals a conception of time that unveils a peculiar understanding of history by its author.