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Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Globally as well as nationally, AIDS is politically contested. Since AIDS was first identified in 1981 there have been several responses to the pandemic, reflecting AIDS’ biomedical, political and social nature and implications. Although there are many ways to frame and approach AIDS, no single approach appears to be universally superior to any other, especially as these various approaches are essential for a comprehensive global response to the pandemic. However, these several responses can also represent contested constructs of how AIDS is inter-subjectively problematised based on different ontological understandings and epistemological preferences. The existence of such contested constructs suggests that multilateral AIDS governance is shaped by binaries and zero-sum games where the overall approach ought to be holistic. As such, some scholars claim that HIV is increasingly treated as something medical, and outside the context of overall development issues, sexual and reproductive health, human rights and structural violence. Recently, Vanwesenbeeck (2011) offered a simplified model of ‘high-road’ and ‘low-road’ solutions to the pandemic, problematising specifically the global policy/political response. Vanwesenbeeck’s model suggests that biomedical, vertically distributed and asexual high-road approaches are prioritised at the expense of the more community oriented, sexual and rights-based low-road approaches. This, Vanwesenbeeck argues, is because current ideas and norms of the market, moralism and medicalisation are more aligned with the de-contextual, de-sexual and quantifiable characteristics of high-road approaches. This study tests the analytical utility of Vanwesenbeeck’s model with a case study of the policy and political narratives emerging from the International AIDS Society’s nine International AIDS Conferences from 1996 until 2012. The research question this study investigates is thus: Can Vanwesenbeeck’s (2011) model of high-road and low-road solutions be identified in and illuminate the policy ideas, problem definitions and political binaries that play out in the discourse surrounding the biennial International AIDS Conferences between 1996 and 2012? This main research question is complemented by three sub-questions concerning 1) the strengths and limitations of Vanwesenbeeck’s model, 2) the general trends and developments in global AIDS policy/political responses during, before and after the biennial International AIDS Conferences and 3) the impact of the Global Financial Crisis on the global AIDS response. Applying a qualitative methodology, the study finds that Vanwesenbeeck’s model can both be identified in and elucidate the political discourses, policy implementations and binaries surrounding the International AIDS Conferences between 1996 and 2012, albeit not all. The analytical utility of Vanwesenbeeck’s model is limited by oversimplification of the highroad/ low-road binary and the exclusion of alternative ideas for high-road prioritisation, such as humanitarianism, securitisation/sensationalism and the neoliberal ideological link between medicalisation and the market, as well as negligence of the impact of the Global Financial Crisis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vigs is internasionaal sowel as nasionaal polities omstrede. Sedert Vigs die eerste keer in 1981 geïdentifiseer is, was daar al verskeie reaksies op die pandemie wat die biomediese, politieke en maatskaplike aard en implikasies van die siekte weerspieël. Hoewel daar verskillende maniere is om Vigs te beskou en te benader, blyk geen enkele benadering universeel superieur te wees nie, veral aangesien al hierdie verskillende benaderinge noodsaaklik is vir ’n omvattende globale reaksie op die pandemie. Tog kan hierdie verskillende reaksies ook as betwiste konstrukte beskou word van hoe Vigs intersubjektief op grond van verskillende ontologiese begrippe en epistemologiese voorkeure geproblematiseer word. Die bestaan van sulke betwiste konstrukte gee te kenne dat multilaterale Vigsbestuur deur binêre en nulsombenaderinge gekenmerk word, terwyl die algehele benadering veronderstel is om holisties te wees. Sommige vakkundiges beweer dan ook dat MIV al hoe meer as ’n mediese probleem hanteer word, buite die konteks van oorkoepelende ontwikkelingskwessies, seksuele en voortplantingsgesondheid, menseregte en strukturele geweld. Vanwesenbeeck (2011) het onlangs ’n vereenvoudigde model van sogenaamde ‘grootpad-’ en ‘smalpadoplossings’ vir die pandemie aan die hand gedoen wat spesifiek die algehele beleids-/politieke reaksie problematiseer. Vanwesenbeeck se model voer aan dat biomediese, vertikaal verspreide en aseksuele grootpadbenaderinge dikwels ten koste van die meer gemeenskapsgerigte, seksuele en regtegebaseerde smalpadbenaderinge gekies word. Dít, reken Vanwesenbeeck, is omdat huidige denke en norme met betrekking tot die mark, moraliteit en medikalisasie eerder met die kontekslose, geslaglose en kwantifiseerbare kenmerke van grootpadbenaderinge strook. Hierdie studie het die analitiese nut van Vanwesenbeeck se model getoets met behulp van ’n gevallestudie van die beleids- en politieke narratiewe uit die Internasionale Vigsvereniging se nege internasionale vigskonferensies vanaf 1996 tot 2012. Die navorsingsvraag van hierdie studie was dus: Kan Vanwesenbeeck (2011) se model van grootpaden smalpadoplossings geïdentifiseer word in, en lig werp op, die beleidsidees, probleemomskrywings en politieke teenpole wat uit die diskoers by die tweejaarlikse internasionale vigskonferensies vanaf 1996 tot 2012 gespruit het? Hierdie hoofnavorsingsvraag is aangevul deur drie verdere vrae oor (i) die sterkpunte en beperkinge van Vanwesenbeeck se model, (ii) die algemene tendense en ontwikkelings in wêreldwye beleids-/politieke reaksies op Vigs gedurende, voor en na die tweejaarlikse internasionale Vigskonferensies, en (iii) die impak van die wêreldwye finansiële krisis op die wêreldwye Vigsreaksie. Met behulp van ’n kwalitatiewe metodologie het hierdie studie bevind dat Vanwesenbeeck se model wél geïdentifiseer kan word in, en lig werp op, sommige van die politieke diskoerse, beleidsinwerkingstelling en teenpole waartoe die internasionale vigskonferensies tussen 1996 en 2012 gelei het. Die analitiese nut van Vanwesenbeeck se model word egter beperk deur die oorvereenvoudiging van die grootpad-/smalpad-teenpole en die uitsluiting van alternatiewe idees oor die prioritisering van grootpadoplossings, soos filantropie, sekuritasie/sensasionalisme en die neoliberale ideologiese verband tussen medikalisasie en die mark, sowel as die verontagsaming van die impak van die wêreldwye finansiële krisis.

Chantal Mouffe has proposed a theory of political engagement or “citizenship” that rejects fixed, essential definitions to “the political”. With her pluralistic, non-essentialized political subject, she hopes for a means by which different political struggles can be linked together rather than ordered hierarchically or exclusively. Here citizens are associated in distinct but related struggles, rather than by legal status or community membership. A crucial point in her argument is that political theorists must look for new “spaces” of politics. Since she never expands on this call, we are left with little more than spatial metaphors that fix the locations where citizenship might be found. Political theory typically plots three separate spheres to describe people’s lives: the state, civil society, and the family. By spatializing these metaphorical locations I have taken up her call and explored the emergence of citizenship across these spatialized social relations through an ethnography on AIDS politics in Vancouver, Canada. For each allegedly discrete space in political theory, I note an ongoing restructuring that affects and is affected by the articulation of citizenship with the changes in social relations in place. These restructurings suggest that fixed, essentialized characterizations of space must also be rejected. I sketch the considerable overlap between social relations of state, family, and civil society in locations across Vancouver’s AIDS politics. Radical civil disobedience failed because activists failed to understand the overlap of state and civil society through AIDS service organizations. Within those agencies, political engagement is caught between grassroots community orientations (civil society) and the emergence of a large, rapidly bureaucratizing service system attached to the state. Volunteers who provide all manner of support (from social work to kinship) for people living with AIDS likewise complicate any clearcut distinction between state and family. The overlap of the family with civil society is illustrated by the Vancouver display of the AIDS Quilt. It was at once a fundraising event held in civil society, yet it was also a familial space: allowing families and friends to grieve and mourn their dead. Spatial overlaps enabled (and also constrained) citizenship, as Mouffe defines it. These hybrid spaces articulate de-centered citizens with the ongoing restructurings of state, civil society, and family that are concurrent to the AIDS epidemic. Consequently, I conclude that future work on radical democratic citizenship consider the contexts in which the citizen engages in political struggle.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, began doubting that HfV was the cause of AIDS in the late nineties, the debate he introduced in his country was not new; it had raged in the United States as far back as a decade ago. But, even prior to that, there had been numerous controversies pertaining to the discovery of the Ill-virus. This thesis argues that those contentions created such a heated atmosphere that the causal debates that were to follow, however incredible they were, were largely unavoidable. In its coverage of the epidemic, the media were immersed in its own politics. During the early eighties, the gay newspapers in the US felt a personal responsibility to find the cause of a disease that was rapidly killing many of its readers. But, in the process, the often promoted unscientific and dangerous approaches. By the time the AIDS dissident debate had unraveled in the US, the gay media was so suspicious of the anti-gay Reagan government that they frequently advanced dissident arguments. The mainstream and scientific media, on the other hand, were perceived as rigidly supporting government institutions, excluding critical voices. When the dissident debate reached South Africa ten years later, the South African media was completely unprepared. Most journalists had never heard of AIDS dissidents; some had not even heard of HfV or the anti-AIDS drug AZT, that the President had labeled toxic. Begin a new democracy, with a history of white oppression, the black and white media differed immensely on how to cover 'the President's debate'. Criticism of the newly elected ANC government's arguments were often branded racist and unpatriotic, with journalists suffering regular intimidation at the hands of state officials and governmentaligned editors. This thesis examines the development of the politics surrounding the science of AIDS, from the discovery of'HfV up until Thabo Mbeki's controversial contentions. To an equal extent, it looks at the news media's coverage of the process, focusing on the approaches to the debate of various media outlets and individual journalists. It also raises ethical issues, particularly in South Africa, that emerged during one of the most widely reported debates in the country's history. It in no way attempts to provide a quantitative analysis of media coverage and, in the case of the US media, draws heavily on analytical studies conducted at the time. NOTE: In the analysis of the South African media's coverage of the AIDS dissident debate in Part Three: B, issues pertaining to the country's public broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), were not discussed The reason was that the author was the Corporation's Health Correspondent at the time, and therefore too closely involved in the institution in order to provide an objective perspective. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe Suid-Afrika se president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om die oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, was die debat wat hy in sy land ingelei het, nie nuut nie; dit reeds 'n dekade tevore in die VSA gewoed. Maar, selfs voor daardie debat, was daar 'n hewige omstredenheid wat met die ontdekking van die MI-virus verband gehou het. Hierdie tesis argumenteer dat daardie omstredenheid so 'n driftige atmosfeer geskep het, dat die debat oor die oorsaak van VIGS wat sou volg, hoe ongeloofwaardig ook al, grootliks onvermydelik was. Met die dekking van die epidemie was die media in hul eie politiek gedompel. Tydens die vroeë jare tagtig het gay-koerante in die VSA 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid gevoel om die oorsaak te vind van 'n siekte wat baie van hulle lesers vinnig laat sterfhet. Maar, in die proses het hulle dikwels onwetenskaplike en gevaarlike benaderings bevorder. Teen die tyd dat die 'oorsaak-debat' in die VSA begin posvat het, was gay-koerante so agterdogtig oor die anti-gay Reagan-regering dat hulle dikwels 'afvallige' argumente aangemoedig het. Die hoofstroommedia en wetenskaplike joernale is aan die ander kant weer gesien as rigiede ondersteuners van regeringsorganisasies, wat kritiese stemme wou stilmaak. Toe die 'oorsaak-debat' Suid-Afrika tien jaar later bereik het, het dit die plaaslike media geheel en alonkant betrap. Die meeste joernaliste het toe nog nooit van 'VIGS-afvalliges' gehoor nie; party nie eens van MIV of die teenvigsmiddel AZT, wat die president as giftig geëtiketteer het nie. Daarby was die land 'n jong demokrasie met 'n geskiedenis van wit onderdrukking, wat meegebring het dat wit en swart media-instansies grotendeels verskil het oor hoe die 'president se debat' gedek moes word. Kritiek teen die nuut verkose ANC-regering se argumente is dikwels as rassisties of onpatrioties afgemaak, en regeringsamptenare of regeringsgesinde redakteurs het gereeld probeer om joernaliste te intimideer. Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die ontwikkeling van die politiek rondom die wetenskap van VIGS, van die ontdekking van MIV tot en met Thabo Mbeki se omstrede argumente. Dit kyk ook na die nuusdekking van die proses, deur op die benaderings van verskeie media-instansies asook individuele joernalistse te fokus. Dit bespreek ook etiese kwessies wat tydens nuusdekking na vore gekom het, veral in Suid-Afrika, waar hierdie debat van die wydste nuusdekking óóit in die geskiedenis van die land geniet het. Dit poog geensins om 'n kwantitatiewe analise van mediadekking te verskaf nie, en waar die Amerikaanse media beskou word, word daar sterk gesteun op analitiese studies wat tydens die duur van die debat uitgevoer is. NOTA: In die analise van die Suid-Afrikaanse media se dekking van die 'oorsaak-debat' in Deel 3:B word kwessies wat met die nuusdekking van die land se openbare uitsaaier, die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie (SA UK), verband hou, nie bespreek nie. Die rede is dat die outeur die korporasie se gesondheidskorrespondent was, en was daarom te nou verbind aan die korporasie om 'n objektiewe perspektiefte verseker.

M.Com. (Business Management) / HIV/AIDS infection is becoming one of the greatest threats the world has had to face the past century. opinions on the subject vary from doomsday scenarios to those that feel that it will just pass as another storm in a teacup, without having any real effect on society. since the indications are there that it is especially the economically active that are exposed to the infection, top management cannot take the chance of ignoring the issue. Unfortunately this seems to be the case in South Africa, with the awakening of the new South Africa, new economic and political opportunities are openlng up for the country. Business leaders cannot allow AIDS to jeopardise these opportunities. Because HIV/AIDS can take more than ten years before becoming visible, most societies, firms and even governments are still only paying lip service in dealing with the matter. AIDS has devastating economic consequences for affected individuals and their families. If the experience of other countries, and current trends in south Africa are any indication, there is likely to be increasing discrimination in the work place, resulting in large numbers of those who are HIV positive losing their jobs. The burden on families who have to care for, and bury people dying of Aids, and consequently those who lose breadwinners, will be enormous. This will be aggravated by unemployment, by inadequate social support services and transfer payments, by discrimination of access to insurance and housing, and by the predicted inability of the health services to offer adequate care to affected individuals, and support of their families. HIV/AIDS is a reality for any work environment. It is therefore of vital importance for management to take cognisance of the important aspects in dealing with the problem. A formal AIDS policy is the only effective solution to prevent discriminatory practices in the workplace. Finally, and most importantly, the AIDS epidemic in south Africa will be a terrible, and enormous human tragedy, through the potentially avoidable loss of hundreds of thousands, and ultimately, millions of lives. In this study, the major implications of AIDS to be considered in company policy, dealing with the AIDS problem in the workplace and in particular the mining industry, are dealt with.

Chantal Mouffe has proposed a theory of political engagement or “citizenship” that rejects fixed, essential definitions to “the political”. With her pluralistic, non-essentialized political subject, she hopes for a means by which different political struggles can be linked together rather than ordered hierarchically or exclusively. Here citizens are associated in distinct but related struggles, rather than by legal status or community membership. A crucial point in her argument is that political theorists must look for new “spaces” of politics. Since she never expands on this call, we are left with little more than spatial metaphors that fix the locations where citizenship might be found. Political theory typically plots three separate spheres to describe people’s lives: the state, civil society, and the family. By spatializing these metaphorical locations I have taken up her call and explored the emergence of citizenship across these spatialized social relations through an ethnography on AIDS politics in Vancouver, Canada. For each allegedly discrete space in political theory, I note an ongoing restructuring that affects and is affected by the articulation of citizenship with the changes in social relations in place. These restructurings suggest that fixed, essentialized characterizations of space must also be rejected. I sketch the considerable overlap between social relations of state, family, and civil society in locations across Vancouver’s AIDS politics. Radical civil disobedience failed because activists failed to understand the overlap of state and civil society through AIDS service organizations. Within those agencies, political engagement is caught between grassroots community orientations (civil society) and the emergence of a large, rapidly bureaucratizing service system attached to the state. Volunteers who provide all manner of support (from social work to kinship) for people living with AIDS likewise complicate any clearcut distinction between state and family. The overlap of the family with civil society is illustrated by the Vancouver display of the AIDS Quilt. It was at once a fundraising event held in civil society, yet it was also a familial space: allowing families and friends to grieve and mourn their dead. Spatial overlaps enabled (and also constrained) citizenship, as Mouffe defines it. These hybrid spaces articulate de-centered citizens with the ongoing restructurings of state, civil society, and family that are concurrent to the AIDS epidemic. Consequently, I conclude that future work on radical democratic citizenship consider the contexts in which the citizen engages in political struggle. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This study is concerned with corporate policy on IllV/AIDS. This was investigated by speaking to key-informants from fifteen enterprises in KwaZulu Natal. They were asked about their policies and programmes and what they had put in place to combat this epidemic. The rational choice model was used as a framework for analysis ofthe policies. This model is discussed in the first part ofthe study and was chosen as it seems to reflect the dominant policy outlook in South Africa and may shape the way that organisations .respond. The second part of the project is the report and discussion of the findings. It is a presentation ofthe responses given by the key informants regarding their perceptions and understanding of the problem of IllV/AIDS as well as the policies .of their companies regarding the same. Mostofthe companies in the study did not have policies specific to. IDV/AIDS. Some had general guidelines and treated HIV/AIDS as any major illness. There seemed to be denial, especially among the management, of the seriousness of the disease despite evidence ofits significant impact within the various organisations. There were few to no resources set aside formv/AIDS programmes and interventions and this seems important in defining the IllV/AIDS problem as one of the future rather than the present In the third part of this project, the theoretical framework and the findings were linked. There was an attempt to answer the question ofhow rational the policy process is within the companies in the study and .whether the responses of these organisations can be understood in the context ofthe rational choice model. It seems that this model does aid in understanding of the policy process when there is a realisation· that it interacts with other human mctors to create what we observe. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

In South Africa, both the number of people entering prison, and the number of people infected with HIV, are steadily increasing. While reliable statistics are not available on the number of HIV+ prisoners, the characteristics of the typical prisoner are those of a demographic group at high risk for HIV infection. As a result, many prisoners will already be HIV positive upon entering the prison. Additionally, the prison environment creates many situations of high risk behaviour for HIV transmission, which means there is also an as yet undetermined portion of inmates who will contract HIV while incarcerated. The current government policy is to provide HIV testing and condoms in conjunction with counselling, although poor design and implementation of this policy has limited its impact. In addition to issues of HIV infection and transmission, the government must address the needs of prisoners who have developed full-blown AlDS and will likely die as a result while imprisoned. AIDS is already the leading cause of death for prisoners in many countries, as well as in South Africa Adequate medical care, proper nutrition, and early release for those in the late stages of AIDS, are the international standards for minimum humane treatment of these prisoners. Today, crippling bureaucracy prevents the humanitarian release of dying· prisoners from South African prisons. Reliable data on the nature and extent of HIV/AIDS infection in South African prisons has yet to be obtained, owing to the closed nature of the prison administration. In order to design and implement effective policies, the secrecy surrounding the prison system must be eliminated so that further research and study may take place. Unlinked, anonymous HIV testing should be undertaken on a sample of the prison population so that accurate information and projections about HIV/AIDS in prison may become available. Until the government allows the issue to be quantified, the design and implementation of better policies will not be possible. The best HIV/AIDS policies are those which recognise the impact of prisoners' health on public health in general. Because the prisoner population consists of a core transmitter group, the pnson provides a critical intervention opponunity for the prevention of HIV infection in the greater community Further research on this issue should therefore focus on the evaluation, design, and implementation of intervention programs Intervention in the prison environment should include targeted education and use of existing gang structures to engender behavioural change The issues of HIV/AIDS in prison are compounded by issues of prison reform in general. The conditions in South Africa prisons are unconsitutional, and exacerbate the problems presented by HIV/AlDS. The most pressing problem in South African prisons is overcrowding; a problem which the Department of Correctional Services is all but powerless to address. Just as HIV/AIDS in the general community requires a multi-sectoral solution, so too does HIV/AIDS in the correctional setting. The Department of Correctional Services must re-evaluate both its policies and its entire policy making process in order to address HIV/AIDS in South African prisons. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal,Durban, 2001.

This dissertation is an examination of presidential communication, focusing primarily on how Mbeki promoted a fringe group of researchers (the Virodene researchers) and a discredited scientific position (the AIDS dissidents). It employs aspects of critical discourse analysis in order to examine Mbeki's speeches, articles, interviews and letters dealing with HIV/AIDS from 1998 to 2003 in order to identify how his views and beliefs on the epidemic changed from the orthodox position that HIV causes AIDS to a dissident view, which led to him asserting that it was impossible for one virus to be the single cause of a wide range of illnesses defined as AIDS. In addition, it examines briefly how civil society, particularly the TAC, responded to Mbeki's unconventional approach to HIV/AIDS, and how Mbeki reacted to criticism of his views on HIV/AIDS. By using the relations of antithesis, entailment and equivalence, this dissertation finds that, although Mbeki moved from an orthodox to a dissident position on HIV/AIDS, there are common threads running through all his discourse. These threads include an intense interest in science and a concern with the plight of the "underdogs", namely those that he feels have been discriminated against by the scientific establishment particularly the pharmaceutical industry. Mbeki's dissident views were not a crude assertion that HIV does not cause AIDS, as has been suggested by other researchers, or those of a sophist seeking excuses for his government's inability to deploy adequate resources to HIV/AIDS. His interest in dissident theory is considered and he has clearly engaged with the scientific arguments of the dissidents. However, this is not the case when Mbeki deals with his critics. It is a matter of concern that Mbeki used the power of the Office of the President to undermine and discredit his opponents by accusing them of being racists or "Uncle Toms" for opposing his dissident views on HIV/AIDS. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2003.