Abortion is a difficult topic to discuss and grasp. Whether it is a dilemma of personal morals and ethics, religion, or simply the nature of the act – the privacy and intimacy of an abortion often causes uneasiness when discussing. To make matters more difficult, there are many issues to consider in addition to deciding whether one wants to attain an abortion; social stigma, cost, parental consent, procedure availability, and more may exacerbate the woman’s situation. In Hong Kong, where the number of legal abortion procedures are limited in public hospitals and costs soar to extreme amounts, many women seeking abortions fall through the cracks and must seek alternative ways of having this time-sensitive procedure fulfilled. As Hong Kong continues to Westernize and liberally develop into comparably one of the most advanced cities in the world, it is important to note that Hong Kong law does not permit a women to rightfully attain a abortion by mere free will. This report seeks to analyze the trials and tribulations that women must face to prevent the need of an abortion as well as the difficulties in procuring one. The methods of researching articles through scholarly sources is detailed and depicted with a flowchart; reasons for inclusion and exclusion are noted. Entailed in the results section is also a comprehensive analysis of the gaps in Hong Kong’s abortion laws; discussed are the problems women endure when trying to satisfy Hong Kong’s legal requirements for abortion procedures as well as when they avoid the legal and/or medical system altogether. Supporting evidence, facts, and figures of historical prices and methods of abortions are displayed in the results section to support the dissertation argument. Finally, a discussion involving recommendations and how to move forward are suggested in order to reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies and therefore abortions in Hong Kong. / published_or_final_version / Public Health / Master / Master of Public Health

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This dissertation discusses the history of the politics of abortion in Argentina from the standpoint of democratic constitutionalism. It describes the normative world in which a legal rule criminalizing women who interrupted their pregnancies emerged in 1921, and the slow process through which the rule was re-politicized. The dissertation makes a contribution to the theory of democratic constitutionalism, by highlighting its usefulness for comparative analyses because it is based on common and usual features of democratic societies. It also contributes to the history of abortion regulation in Argentina, by underscoring the life of the law outside courts. Based on social movement theory, the dissertation contributes to the literature that finds that individuals play a very meaningful role in processes of legal and constitutional change.

LL.M. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The conceptualization of this study is conceived out of the new abortion Act No.92 of 1996. Under this new Act a woman can procure abortion on demand within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. The thrust of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that a woman's decision to seek abortion is a highly individual decision which neither the church nor one's culture can succeed imposing any control measures against. This essentially means that moral-ethical considerations engendered by one's religio-cultural orientation are in fact inconsequential for individual decision making and implementation. The secondary hypothesis is that while the above may be true, it does not necessarily exonerate the individual from her religio-cultural conditioning and thus creating a dissonance between the woman and her significant others. These may be one's family, church or any close associations . It is in this respect that the study examines three trajectories which, it is claimed, are constitutive of the Africa in contemporary communities. These are: the African traditional culture, the Christian heritage and the culture of human rights as practised within a democratic society. The study looks at the ramifications of what happens when these three perspectives interact, with a particular focus on abortion under the new abortion Act. A recovery of certain elements of African resources is argued for which, it is suggested, can hold in creative tension and healthy balance women's desire to exercise their reproductive rights while not compromising both their religious leanings and cultural roots. In this regard concepts of ubuntu, impilo, ubomi-mpilo and African spirituality are carefully examined and delineated with the eventual purpose of finding accommodative framework within the three trajectories numerated above. This thesis is by no means exhaustive . It is an exploratory study intended to open up a serious discuss!on, specifically on issues of human sexuality on which both the African culture and the Christian faith have been silent. But that silence, as the thesis goes on to show, has not been without its casualties, especially for African women. It is this dangerous silence which the study challenges and seeks to break. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

LL.M. / The right to life, which is guaranteed in section 11 of the Constitution, is a particularly important right in South Africa, especially seen in the light of the human rights violations of the apartheid-era. Firstly, this study conducts an analysis of the right to life and attempts to establish who the bearers of the right are; what the protected conduct and interests of the right are; who is bound by the right and what their responsibilities are; and whether the right can legitimately be limited in terms of section 36 of the Constitution. However, when we analyse the right to life in this way, certain problematic and controversial issues become apparent. Two of these issues are discussed in this study – namely abortion and euthanasia and assisted suicide. Before these issues can be adequately addressed, however, the study takes a stance on the value of human life, which forms the moral framework for the discussion of the specific issues. However, the primary focus of the study is the analysis of the specific issues relating to the right to life. The terminology relevant to the respective issues is discussed and the current legal position, including relevant case law and legislation, with regard to the issues is indicated. The arguments, counter arguments and alternative approaches to the issues are discussed and criticized, and consideration is given to the question to what extent the right to life, in cases of abortion and euthanasia, can legitimately be limited if the principled stance regarding the value of human life is accepted. In addition, some other jurisdictions’ experiences of and responses to these issues are also discussed. Finally the study concludes that human life (in all its forms) deserves the full respect and protection of the law, regardless of the quality of life or the capabilities of the individuals whose lives are at stake. Furthermore it is submitted that the state and every member of society has a special responsibility to respect and protect the most vulnerable and marginalised members of our community – instead of suggesting ‘quick fixes’ to desperate people.

The abortion debate in the United States has come to split the contemporary electorate among party lines. Since the late 1970s, the Republican Party has taken a stand against abortion and has worked through various routes of legislation to pass restrictions on access to the procedure. Oregon however, provides a different interpretation of this partisan debate. Though Oregon has seen both Republican and Democratic leadership in all houses of state government and pro-life conservative groups have lobbied to restrict the procedure, no abortion restriction has been passed in the state since the United States Supreme Court invalidated many state abortion bans in 1973. This thesis analyzes the legislative history of Oregon beginning in the mid nineteenth century, when the Oregon Territory first passed an abortion ban. Oregon voters and lawmakers alike were continuously asked to debate the legality and morality of abortion. Though the state did participate in the national debate over access to abortion, made clear by dozens of attempts at restricting the procedure, Oregon's response to conservative political trends is distinctive. Oregon liberalized its abortion law before Roe was decided; and years before, prominent physicians provided abortions and advocated for reproductive health. After abortion was decriminalized, Oregon legislators protected abortion access further by rejecting all attempts to pass abortion restrictions and crafting legislation to make further restrictions more difficult to pass. Even as Republicans gained majorities in the Oregon legislature in the late 1980s and 1990s and the pro-life movement gained momentum on the statewide level nationally, Republican lawmakers remained unwilling to prioritize abortion legislation. So too, in the decades following the Roe decision, Oregon voters have rejected all pro-life attempts to restrict abortion access by ballot initiative. Instead of pointing to one explanation for Oregon's protection of abortion access, this thesis examines the societal and legislative developments that worked in tandem to create a legislative landscape that is protective of abortion.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Perhaps one of the most talked about subjects worldwide and in South Africa these days is the abortion issue. A growing number of women admit to having had one. Basically there are two opposing views and values on the question of abortion. We normally hear people referring to the 'abortion issue'; my understanding of this is that there is a dialogue going on at the moment concerning abortion. In South Africa before the current Choice of Termination of Pregnancy (TOP) Bill, some activists' women and the ever-growing 'feminists' movements were lobbying and demanding that abortion be decriminalised. As we may all be aware, up until 1 February 1997, abortion or termination of pregnancy (TOP) in South Africa was conceivable under very restrictive atmosphere. Before the introduction of the current Termination of Pregnancy Bill, a majority of women had no access to abortion services in the country, hence the growing number of back-street job. By implication this means that most women given the choice, would not seek the experience of abortion, but if they do, it would be available to the in safe, legal, accessible and affordable service. Not only does the Act conceal that terminating pregnancy that occurred through criminal acts such as rape and incest is justifiable. The current liberal Termination of Pregnancy Bill also gives pregnant women the 'right' or 'freedom' to abort whenever and for whatever reason they deem fit. Part of the ethical dilemma of the abortion issue is that there are those who holds a view that always where there is a conflict of rights and interests, the foetus' rights must give way to, or that the foetus' rights must be overridden by those of a pregnant women. Pro-choice advocates maintain that a woman's choice to terminate her pregnancy is her own business and hers alone, in other words, this for them is a private decision. Well, I argue that this is not necessarily the case, ethically, the father of the unborn child should also be considered in such a decision. Given that virtually every abortion has risks, the parents of the aborting woman and to some extent the society at large are involved. Therefore, to solely talk of the 'mother's right to choose' is basically suggest that morality is "relative" and such relativism is conceived from the idea of privatisation of abortion and life in general. In the following pages I will look at the arguments in support of abortion and against it, and these are criticised. Also discussed are the ethical implications of the new South African Termination of Pregnancy Act. Broadly speaking, technology advancement has made it possible to detect the unborn baby's physical condition (sometimes even its mental state) while the mother is still pregnant. The ethical implications of this medical intervention are used to decide whether the unborn child should live or die. Given this, if the purpose of these prenatal diagnosis were for the destruction of the unborn, therefore, advocates of the movements such as 'the right to life', and 'pro-lifers' would argue that because of particularly twisted purpose, prenatal diagnosis must be abolished. Furthermore, I will acknowledge that the Termination of Pregnancy Bill as we have it, is appraised by feminists movements and others who are not necessarily feminists as allowing increased and unrestricted access to 'free' and 'safe' abortion in the government hospitals and clinics. However, I argue that this was rather prematurely introduced. I argue that a number of pregnant women claiming to be poor still present themselves to private doctors and private clinics for abortion and they pay anything between R 600- 800 or more depending where these services are provided. On the other hand, for one reason or another, other women still choose to terminate their pregnancies back street way although the risks are high in such servicing stations. In the light of these facts, one wonders whether it is appropriate to legislate for the termination of pregnancy or would it have been a worthwhile decision to delay the legislation of abortion for a while and thoroughly make a research and relevant preparation for it. I also argue that ideology plays an important part in the abortion debates. Besides, the abortion debate is also characterised by indoctrination, the purpose of which is to leave other confused. In both cases facts are misrepresented or false statements are made, and this for me is ethically unacceptable. I will also comment on the importance of linguistics, that is, the proper understanding of normal English terms and what I refer to as 'deceptive language' used by campaigners. Inthe last part of this thesis, I will outline some basic approaches to ethics and which belong to what is referred to as postmodernism. The Postmodern worldview deconstructs metanarratives so that no one particular belief is more believable than another. This worldview bring with it ethical relativism, which is a theory which holds that morality is relative to the individual. Three movements are given as an example of this move toward ethical relativism, they are: (a) Emotivism, (b) Subjectivism, and (c) Situationalism While I will argue that rape and incest are evil acts, and support abortion in cases involving such acts, however, I also believe that abortion is not the answer to the problem of rape and incest. I will propose a number of recommendations the South African government should have made before legislating for abortion. For instance, by creating separate abortion service facilities even in the hospital premises, with properly trained staff; so that people who came to seek advice for abortion are not intimidated by those who go to full terms with their pregnancy. Included in this thesis is a case study to demonstrate the complexity of the abortion issue to everyone involved. Some psychological and emotional symptoms following abortion will be outlined and this according to women who do share their abortion story is a reality they have to live with every day of their lives. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aborsie is moontlik een van die mees veelbesproke kwessies van ons tyd, sowel in Suid- Afrika as wêreldwyd. 'n Groeiende aantal vroue erken dat hulle al een gehad het. Basies is daar twee opponerende gesigspunte en waardes betrokke by die twispunt rondom aborsie. Aborsie was voor die aanvaarding van die jongste wetgewing (d.w.s. voor 1 Februarie 1997) in Suid-Afrika slegs moontlik onder streng beperkings. Voor die huidige wet ( die "Termination of Pregnancy Bill") in werking gekom het, het die meerderheid vroue geen toegang tot aborsie gehad in Suid-Afrika nie, wat gelei het tot 'n toename in agterstraat aborsies. Die nuwe wet gee nie slegs die reg om te aborteer aan vroue wat swanger is as gevolg van kriminele optrede soos verkragting of bloedskande nie. Die huidige, buitengewooon liberale wet gee ook vir alle praktiese doeleindes aan die vroue die reg om aborsie op versoek te ondergaan tot op 20 weke van swangerskap. Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is om hierdie nuwe liberale wet aan 'n krities ondersoek te onderwerp. Deel van die etiese dilemma rondom die kwessie van aborsie spruit voort uit die feit dat daar diegene is wat reken dat, indien daar enige konflik tussen regte en belange is, die regte van die fetus ondergeskik is aan die regte van die swanger vrou. Diegene ten gunste van aborsie voer aan dat die keuse gemaak moet word deur die betrokke vrou, en dat so 'n keuse uitsluitlik haar eie is. Ek argumenteer dat dit nie noodwendig die geval is nie. Die vader van die ongebore kind behoort ook 'n sê te hê in hierdie saak. Gegee dat elke aborsie sekere risiko's insluit, het die ouers van die betrokke vrou en die samelewing ook 'n belang by so ,'n situasie. Dus is om slegs te praat van die 'vrou se reg om te Ides' om te suggereer dat moraliteit "relatief' is, en sulke relativisme word afgelei van die idee van die privatisering van aborsie en die lewe in die algemeen. In die volgende bladsye sal ek die argumente vir en teen aborsie analiseer en kritiseer. Die etiese implikasies van die nuwe Termination of Pregnancy Act word veral bespreek. Tegnologiese vooruitgang het dit moontlik gemaak dat die ongebore baba se fisiese (en soms selfs mentale) kondisie bepaal kan word voor geboorte. Die etiese implikasies van die mediese intervensie word gebruik om te besluit of die ongebore baba moet lewe of sterf Dus, indien die doel van prenatale diagnose die moontlike vernietiging van die ongeborene insluit, sal diegene wat teen aborsie is, argumenteer dat so 'n verwronge doel veroorsaak dat sulke ondersoeke gestaak behoort te word. Ek sal erken dat die nuwe wet waardeer word deur feministe, en andere wat nie noodwendig feministe is nie, as 'n wet wat dit moontlik maak dat daar toenemende en onbeperkte toegang is tot 'gratis' en 'veilige' aborsies in regeringshospitale en klinieke. Maar ek wil argumenteer dat die wet te vroeg aangeneem is. Ek argumenteer dat 'n groot aantal verwagtende vroue voorgee dat hulle arm is en poog om 'n aborsie te kry by private dokters en klinieke, en dan tussen R600 - R800 of meer betaal vir so 'n diens, afhangende van waar dit geskied. Aan die ander kant, om een of ander rede, kies sommige vroue steeds om hulle swangerskappe te termineer deur agterstraat-aborsies, ten spyte van die risiko's. Gegewe hierdie feit, wonder mens of dit gepas was on 'n wet in te stel aangaande die terminasie van swangerskap, en of dit nie beter sou wees om die wetgewing uit te stel tot volledige navorsing gedoen is en voorbereiding getref is nie. Ek argumenteer ook dat ideologie 'n belangrike rol speel in die aborsie-debat. Die aborsie-debat word ook gekenmerk deur indoktrinasie ten einde mense te verwar. In beide gevalle is daar die wanvoorstelling van feite of word valse stellings gemaak, wat eties onaanvaarbaar is. Ek salook kommentaar lewer oor die belangrikheid van taal, dws die korrekte verstaan van normale (Engelse) terme en wat ek na verwys as die 'misleidende taal' wat gebruik word deur sekere kampvegters betrokke by die debat. In die laaste deel van die werkstuk sal ek sekere basiese benaderings tot etiek ondersoek, veral dié wat na verwys word as "postmodernisme". Die Postmoderne gesigspunt dekonstrueer metanarratiewe sodat geen spesifieke oordeel langer meer geloofwaardig is as 'n ander nie. Hierdie gesigspunt word dan ook vergesel deur etiese relativisme, wat huldig dat moraliteit relatief is tot die individu. Drie bewegings word genoem as voorbeelde van hierdie beweging na etiese relativisme, nl: (a) Emotivisme, (b) Subjektivisme, en (c) Situasie-etiek Alhoewel ek argumenteer dat verkragting en bloedskande morele verkeerd is, en alhoewel ek aborsie in sulke gevalle voorstaan, glo ek nie dat aborsie 'n antwoord bied op die probleem van verkragting en bloedskande nie. Ek sal 'n aantal voorstelle maak aangaande wat eintlik moes gebeur het voor die regering die huidige aborsiewet aanvaar het. Byvoorbeeld, dat aparte aborsie-fasiliteite, selfs by die hospitaal en met opgeleide personeel, geskep moes word ten einde te voorkom dat diegene wat advies vra aangaande aborsie nie geïntimideer word deur persone wat nie wil aborteer nie. Ingesluit in hierdie studie is 'n gevallestudie wat die kompleksiteit van die kwessie rondom aborsie, vir al die rolspelers, demonstreer. Sekere emosionele en sielkundige simptome, veroorsaak deurdat 'n persoon besluit het om te aborteer, sal geskets word. Vir vroue wat 'n aborsie ondergaan het is hierdie 'n realiteit waarmee hulle elke dag moet saamleef

This thesis examines the effects of the change from strict scrutiny to the undue burden standard in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992). A history of abortion in the United States and the various ways in which government regulates it is explored. Particular attention is focused on the role of the federal judiciary in abortion regulation. Theories of judicial decision making are discussed as means to understand the outcome of cases. Several models are tested to determine which, if any, model explains judicial decision making. The effect of the change in standard, as well as an alternate precedent, are examined.