Spelling suggestions: "subject:"fibrolitics anda government"" "subject:"fibrolitics ando government""
31 |
The political role of the press in South Africa, 1948-1968Potter, Elaine January 1972 (has links)
No description available.
|
32 |
Confrontation, cooptation and collaborationDu Pre, Roy H January 1995 (has links)
The Labour Party was a prominent political party amongst coloured people for more than twenty-five years. Formed in 1965 to contest elections for the Coloured Persons' Representative Council (CRC), the Labour Party at the outset adopted an anti-apartheid, anti-separate representation and anti-eRe stance. During the first five years of its existence, the party tried to muster coloured support for its policies. Its promise to cripple the CRC by refusing to occupy seats in the council became the rallying call. The Labour Party won a majority of the elected seats in the first CRC election in 1969 but the government nominated progovernment candidates to all the nominated seats, depriving the Labour Party of an overall majority. Thwarted in their bid to "wreck" the CRC, Labour Party members instead took their seats in the council, vowing to destroy it from within. For the next five years the Labour Party pursued a policy of "confrontation. " By using a "boycott" strategy, it not only hamstrung the effective working of the CRC but thwarted the government in other areas of its "coloured" policy. In the 1975 election the Labour Party won an outright victory, giving it the power to cripple the CRC. However, it did not seize this opportunity. Its decision to "govern" in the CRC constituted a decisive step in the change from confrontation to cooptation. The Labour Party's continued support of the CRC drew widespread criticism from supporters and opponents alike. Its leaders tried to hold together a disaffected party and eventually agreed to the dissolution of the CRC in 1980 in an effort to paper over the cracks in party unity, and to forestall growing coloured opposition to the CRC at the next election. In 1983, the Labour Party displayed a decisive shift in its anti-separate representation stance by lending support to the tricameral system. By doing so, it laid itself open to the same charge of collaboration it had levelled at the other CRC parties. This thesis will examine the history of the Labour Party from its formation in 1965 as an anti-government party, to one of cooperation with its erstwhile opponent by 1984.
|
33 |
'n Gevallestudie van die regering en administrasie van Qwaqwa, 1975-1994Van Zyl, André 09 February 2015 (has links)
M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract
|
34 |
Basutoland and the High Commission, with particular reference to the years 1868-1884 : the changing nature of the Imperial Government's "special responsibility" for the territoryBenyon, John A. January 1968 (has links)
No description available.
|
35 |
Prenegotiation in South Africa (1985-1993) : a phaseological analysis of the transitional negotiationsKruger, Botha W.(Botha Willem) January 1998 (has links)
Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1998. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by
events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to
formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known
as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African
National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a
negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation,
this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of
South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified:
bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both
of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation.
This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of
immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different
avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed
between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings
were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise
South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil,
through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between
exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service.
The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to
establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted
differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining
about bargaining phase.
The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in
1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt
by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining.
Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F.
Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party
negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After
deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation
issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued
between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships
of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and
between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of
Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993,
~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end.
In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing
prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply
divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting
good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive
bargaining. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is
deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer
dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan
het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het
lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog
om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n
onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling
gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die
struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende
drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling,
voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee
word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime
omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990.
Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste
weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde
ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou
wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op
internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte
kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se
Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike
pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die
uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die
onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou.
Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in
1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur
'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe
onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut,
die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die
totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van
voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is
in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling.
Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is
gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral
tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk.
Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van
die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde
gekom.
Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide
bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander
diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol
te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot
stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling. / Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)
|
36 |
Enhancing service delivery at local government level: challenges and recommendations for the City of Cape Town.Nabe, Thembela W January 2000 (has links)
No abstract available.
|
37 |
Republiek Lydenburg, 1856-1860Du Plessis, Tjaart Andries January 1931 (has links)
Text in Afrikaans / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)
|
38 |
International economic and political implications of the re-incorporation of South Africa into the Southern African development community.Kabemba-Kambuya, Claude. January 1996 (has links)
A Dissertation submitted,.to the Faculty of Arts in ftllfilment
of the requirements for the degree of Master in
International Relations / Andrew Chakane 2018
|
39 |
Permanent juniority: black youth politics in the Vaal under late colonisationNdlozi, Mbuyiseni Quintin January 2017 (has links)
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 / This thesis examines how the political subjectivity of black youth took shape within the violent period of late colonialism in South Africa known as apartheid. As a historico-philosophical inquiry that aims to understand the historical modalities of subject formation and political practice, the thesis is grounded in extensive original research on black youth politics in the townships of the Vaal region south of Johannesburg during the 1980s and early 1990s. At the same time, the thesis interprets the findings of that historical research through a critical engagement with the philosophical work of various thinkers (including Hegel, Nietzsche, Benjamin, Foucault, Fanon, Mamdani, Mbembe, Zizek and Maldonado-Torres, among others) in an effort to address the problem of freedom in relation to the black subject under colonial and post-colonial rule. The thesis shows how colonial authority and governance both posits and aims to reproduce what I call the ‘permanent juniority’ of blacks generally, and of black youth in particular. Key sites for the exercise of such authority and governance in the townships under apartheid included the street and the school, where blacks were subjected to social, infrastructural and disciplinary violence. In examining one ‘Bantu’ high school in depth, I show how black youth were subjected to what I call a ‘pedagogy of offence’ – a mode of socialisation and discipline based on the premise that black youth, merely by virtue of being black, are always already guilty of breaching the socio-political order and are therefore addressed as delinquents. The thesis shows how a collective black youth subject constituted itself in revolt against this disciplinary regime. In the course of this revolt, the figure of the outlaw comrade, or ‘com-tsotsi’, emerged, occupying an ambiguous position between political resistance and illegal criminality. This figure is shown to have a genealogy originating in slavery and the Frontier Wars in the Cape, and extending to the early period of mining and industrial capitalism in Johannesburg. In the concluding chapters, which explore the underground activities of Self-Defence Units as violence on the Vaal reached its apogee in the early 1990s, the thesis probes the ethical ambiguity that emerges when violence is used in the service of a politics of love and emancipation. Here, I argue that the constitution of a collective black youth political subject in revolt also suggests a theory of black emancipation: of subjectivity beyond object-hood, of political love and everyday life beyond colonial violence and death, and of a political optimism oriented toward freedom. / XL2018
|
40 |
The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South AfricaRyklief, Cheryl Cecelia January 1996 (has links)
This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. / Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
|
Page generated in 0.1389 seconds