This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee. / Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.

This study illustrates the link between foreign policy, public diplomacy and the media, with reference to the South African Government’s refusal in 2009 and 2011 to issue visas to the Dalai Lama. The research question is: How do the South African media frame foreign policy and how do administrators react to this actuality? As there seems to be a void in South African international political communications, this is where this study purports to contribute. The aim is to investigate how the media frames foreign policy, specifically regarding the case study. Therefore, the media, human rights and foreign policies, and the diplomatic practices of the South African government are studied. The objective is not necessarily to prove or disprove the causal effect of media and public opinion on foreign policy but rather to illustrate the interaction between these elements in the case of the South African government’s denial of visas to the Dalai Lama. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Johannesburg, March 2017. / This thesis follows the development of a particular set of large technical systems in South Africa from the late apartheid era into the age of democracy. During apartheid technological prowess, upheld by the network of state corporations or parastatals, bolstered the authoritarian rule of the white minority government in South Africa. The economic and political liberalisation of the late 1980s challenged the power of the parastatals and altered the underlying rationale of infrastructure development. In particular I describe the transformation of Iscor and Eskom, two of the country’s major parastatals, and their activities in the Waterberg coalfields, an isolated region on the country’s north-western border. While Eskom’s activities in the region began in the 1980s they gained public notoriety with the construction of the Medupi power station two decades later. The obstacles that Eskom faced at Medupi represent the main challenge of developing large technological infrastructures in the democratic, post-colonial order, where the fruits of infrastructure development demand to be spread beyond the bounds of an elite minority. But the eventual completion of some power generating units in 2015 at Medupi demonstrates that failure is not inevitable. I argue that this success is due to the fact that the autonomous parastatal network negotiated the political and economic liberalisation of the early 1990 by incorporating the changing socio-political conditions into its operations. The parastatal network retained a momentum, in the sense first described by the historian of technology Thomas Hughes, which was also a product of the “locked-in” nature of investment in the infrastructure project. Because of the large capital investment required for the infrastructure development, proceeding tenaciously against the odds to see the project to completion was cheaper than retreat for those involved. / MT2018

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa is a land of stunning beauty and scenic wonder, with contrasts ranging from arid semi-desert areas to lush green forests; from flat plains to towering mountains. Socially and economically it is likewise a country of extreme contrasts (MacDonald 2002: 13). The South African Constitution, as adopted on 8 May 1996, grants every citizen basic, inalienable human rights. Under certain circumstances, however, some of these rights can come to stand in direct opposition to one another leaving us with a dilemma to choose between two compelling actions. In this context, the right to a secure, ecologically sustainable environment and the right to food and water is in conflict. The greatest challenge to face South Africa is to eradicate poverty and develop its people while ensuring that the natural environment is not destroyed in the process. There must be development for this generation, but not at the price of destroying the natural environment for the next generation. We have ample examples from the apartheid era of damage done both to people and to the environment through the "homeland policy". Millions of people were forced to eke out an existence on land that could not carry the number of people consigned to these remote areas. Erosion, deforestation and poverty are the heritage. There are increasing demands for development, but these demands are infinite while the resources of the world are finite. The question now arises whether the right to a safe environment or the right to sufficient food and water, both enshrined in the Constitution should be given preference. I aim to show that Holmes Rolston III's article "Feeding People versus Saving Nature?" and the points made in Hardin's "Tragedy of the Commons" fail to satisfy public norms and therefore fall short to help us in solving this dilemma. l propose the bioregional management approach that focuses upon the political means to promote restoration and maintenance of the natural systems that ultimately support the people and nature in each area. I believe that this strategy could succeed in solving the impasse that the South African society has reached in solving this very complex dilemma. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika is 'n land van ongelooflike skoonheid met kontraste wat wissel van droe semi-woestyne tot geil groen woude; van gelyk vlaktes tot hoe berge. Sosiaal en ekonomies is dit tegelyk 'n land van ekstreme kontraste (MacDonald 2002: 13). Die Suid-Afrikaanse Konstitusie, soos aanvaar op 8 Mei 1996, verseker elke burger van basiese, onvervreembare regte. Onder sekere omstandighede, egter, kan sommige van hierdie regte met mekaar in direkte konflik wees, en die dilemma bring mee dat ons tussen twee belangrike maar konflikterende optredes moet kies. In hierdie konteks is die reg op 'n veilige, ekologies volhoubare omgewing, en die reg tot voedsel en water, in konflik met mekaar. Die grootste uitdaging waardeur Suid-Afrika in die gesig gestaar word, is die gelyktydige uitwissing van armoede en die ontwikkeling van sy mense, terwyl verseker word dat die natuurlike omgewing nie in die proses vernietig word nie. Daar moet ontwikkeling wees vir die huidige generasie, maar nie teen die prys van die vernietiging van die natuurlike omgewing vir die volgende generasie nie. Ons het talle voorbeelde uit die apartheid-era van die skade wat aangerig is aan mense en hul omgewing deur die tuisland-beleid. Miljoene mense is geforseer om 'n bestaan te maak in gebiede wat nie die groot getalle wat na hierdie verafgelee areas gedwing is, kon akkomodeer nie. Die nalatenskap hiervan is erosie, ontbossing en armoede. Daar is toenemende eise vir ontwikkeling, maar hierdie eise is oneindig terwyl die bronne van die wereld eindig is. Die vraag wat nou ontstaan, is of daar voorkeur gegee moet word aan die reg tot 'n veilige omgewing of die reg op voldoende voedsel en water, soos wat beide hiervan beklemtoon word in die Konstitusie. Ek poog om aan te toon dat Holmes Rolston III se artikel "Feeding People versus Saving Nature?" en die punte gemaak in Hardin se "Tragedy of the Commons" nie daarin slaag om openbare norme te bevredig nie en dus nie daarin slaag om die dilemma te oorkom nie. Ek stel voor dat die dilemma benader moet word vanuit 'n bio-regionale perspektief waarin daar gefokus word op die politieke middele om die restorasie en voortbestaan van natuurlike sisteme te bevorder waardeur die mense en natuur in elke area uiteindelik ondersteun word. Ek glo dat hierdie strategie daarin sal slaag om die impasse op te hef waarin die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing verval het in hul poging om hierdie komplekse probleem op te los.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an investment performance review covering the ten years from 1990 to 1999. To many investors the 1990s were a tough decade because of the political, economic and social changes, which caused investment uncertainty. The primary focus is to examine the implications of these changes during the 1990s on the investment strategies of South Africans. Furthermore, the aim is to provide insight into investment decision-making during the period of transition and transformation. The analyses specifically address the importance of the investment environment on portfolio construction and maintenance. The objective is to see how far the investors ventured in their efforts to 'beat" the South African share market under changing conditions. The structure of the portfolio was evaluated as well as the investor's preferences and beliefs during the period under review. It also looked at the investors' attitudes and philosophies. Effective portfolio management was important because changing conditions were becoming challenging. The investor's investment mix and the risk associated with each investment determined the effectiveness of managing the portfolio. Furthermore, this study examines the investors' objectives, constraints and strategies. In the final analysis, this study examines investment strategy and investment performance in retrospect. It presents a ten-year historical analysis of the South African environment which was affecting investment decisions. It was also found that investors were fulfilling their expectations, they were looking at medium and long-term investment opportunities. Furthermore, stock-picking was done with greater caution. The opening of global investment markets further enhanced the investment opportunities. Moreover the investors realised the importance of diversification in order to reduce risk. The investors will be presented with challenges and opportunities in the next decade (or century). Therefore this study also concludes with an assessment of possible future investment scenarios for the South African investors. Finally, investment decision was interpreted against the political, economical, social and other changes that took place during the period of transition. The key to investment success was the investor's ability to manage the changing South African environment. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is 'n oorsig van die beleggingsvaardighede gedurende die tydperk 1990 tot 1999. Vir baie beleggers was die negentigs 'n baie moeilike dekade as gevolg van die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderings. Hierdie veranderings het onsekerheid laat ontstaan by die beleggers. Die primêre fokus is om die implikasies van die veranderings op die beleggingsstrategieë van die Suid Afrikaanse belegger te ondersoek. Verder, is die doelook om insig te bekom oor die beleggingsbesluitneming gedurende die periode van verandering en transformasie. Hierdie analise salook in besonder aandag gee aan die belangrikheid van die gepaardgaande beleggingsomgewing en op die konstruksie en instandhouding van die beleggingsportefeulje. Die doel is om ook vas te stel hoe die beleggers gespekuleer het om die Suid Afrikaanse aandele mark te klop gedurende die periode van verandering. Die samestelling van die portefeulje is ge-evalueer sowel as die beleggers se voorkeure en menings. Daar is ook ondersoek ingestel na die belegger se houding en filosofie. Effektiewe beleggingsbestuur was belangrik gedurende die tydperk omdat die veranderde omstandighede uitdagend geword het. Die belegger se beleggingssamestelling en die gepaardgaande risiko het die doeltreffendheid van die bestuur van die portefeulje bepaal. Verder ondersoek hierdie studie ook die beleggers se doelwitte, beperkinge en strategieë. In die finale analise is dit hoofsaaklik 'n retrospektiewe ontleding van beleggingbestuursvaardighede gedurende die 1990s. Dit is n tienjaar historiese analise van die Suid Afrikaanse beleggingsomgewing wat 'n invloed gehad het op die beleggingsbesluitnemings. Die beleggers het hul verwagtings goed hanteer en het gesoek na medium- en langtermyn beleggingsmoontlikhede. Bowendien is die beleggings gedoen met groter omsigtigheid. Die opening van die wêreld markte het ook groter beleggingsmoontlikhede geskep. Verder het die beleggers ook besef dat diversifikasie belangrik is om risiko te verminder. Beleggers sal te staan kom voor uitdagings sovel as gunstige beleggingsmoontlikhede in die volgende dekade (of eeu). Daarom sluit hierdie studie af met toekomstige beleggingsmoontlikhede en die faktore wat sal bydra tot die toekomstige beleggingsaksie en besluitneming. Ten slotte, die beleggingsbesluit is geïnterpreteer teen die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderinge wat plaasgevind het. Die sleutel tot die beleggingssukses was die vermoë van die beleggers om die veranderde omstandighede te kan hanteer.

The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.

Enos John Nganani Mabuza's life and work is used as a case study to highlight the conceptual and methodological theories and challenges in academic biographical writing regarding history, memory and legacies. This thesis answers the question: Who was Mabuza and what is his place or relevance in South Africa's history? We over-simplify and stereotype people because it is convenient. We judge others but there is no saint without a past or a sinner without a future. Mabuza reconciled with the main liberation movements and moved from a maligned position on the political fringes to a respectable one within the emerging black economic elite. History, like reference systems and values is not calcified or static. It is prone to interpretation, adaptation, modification, invention, manipulation, decomposition and re-composition. Bourdieu's habitus-field analysis, theory or logic of practice, notions of capital (symbolic, political, social, cultural and economic) is used together with Latour's actor-network theory as the basis of analysis of the social contracts and trust bonds that Mabuza was able to create and which enabled him to navigate South Africa's socio-political and economic milieus during apartheid and the transition in the early 1990s. As people or actors, we believe in the mantra, nothing ventured, nothing gained. We exercise agency and take risks every day. We make choices and those choices have consequences. Mabuza's choices in the fields of education, politics and business had implications for how he is perceived or has been written into history. His choices put notions of identity, citizenship, power, legitimacy, ambition, elite accommodation, class, personal and professional networks, popular struggles, agency and structure under the spotlight. Mabuza's involvement in Bantustan politics, for instance, is contextualised in terms of a historical overview of the unpopular role played by traditional authorities in South Africa before and during colonialism and apartheid. His later foray into the world of business, however, was facilitated in part, by the personal and professional contacts that he made whilst he was in politics and the opportunities which opened up during the country's political transition. Mabuza adapted to changing circumstances and demonstrated a level of versatility which other Bantustan functionaries did not or could not exercise.