Since the late 1960's, there has been a growing body of research seeking to provide explanation for why blacks continue to be underrepresented in higher education enrollment; however, none of these studies provides a full explanation. Ogbu (1969, 1978, 1985), who has given the fullest explanation of black underachievement for students at the primary and secondary levels, suggests that his caste system paradigm be used to explain black underrepresentation in higher education. This paradigm suggests that blacks are members of a caste because of a history of discrimination and exploitation. This past history led to a folk theory of unequal opportunity, which has affected the way that blacks perceive, interpret, and respond to educational barriers. In this exploratory study, the researcher investigated a lower socioeconomic community in Baltimore, Maryland, which in many ways represents the general black population, to learn if Ogbu's caste paradigm explained black underrepresentation in higher education. It was learned that the caste system was in operation, and a very recent history of discrimination and exploitation existed. A folk theory of "unequal opportunity" and a collective identity that "blacks cannot compete with the white man," led to the use of oppositional/counter cultural strategies to "get ahead." Such strategies as pushing drugs, "beating the system" and stealing, coupled with high incidents of homicide, violence and teen pregnancy, impacted upon the ability of residents to graduate from high school and enroll in college. Furthermore, strategies used in the community were operational in the school, which served to detract from school learning. / Ed. D.

The famous decision of the United States Supreme Court in <u>Brown v. Board of Education</u>, 347 US. 483 (1954), ruled that racial segregation in public education was constitutional. This decision was met with resistance from many of Virginia's white citizens, because the ruling attempted to alter the state's dual system of education. The education of white and colored students (as they were called in the 1950's) was based on the philosophy of "separate but equal ..." This study offers a historical analysis of industrial arts education programs offered to blacks from 1951-69, as the state moved to comply with the Brown decision. Special attention is directed to the leadership role played by Dr. William T. Reed, an itinerant teacher-trainer based at Virginia State College, the Commonwealth's land-grant institution for blacks. Industrial arts activities for blacks centered around the land-grant institution in Virginia as in other states. As a result of integration called for in Brown many of the black schools have closed, their names have changed, and in many cases high schools have converted to junior high and combination schools. The organizations for teachers and students have merged with their white counterparts or have been discontinued. Four specific questions served as the framework for the investigation and were used to draw conclusions to the findings. Conclusions 1. What were the characteristics of the publicly supported secondary education programs of industrial arts education which were offered to blacks in Virginia prior to the Supreme court’s ruling in the school segregation case known as the Brown decision? Industrial arts education programs prior to the Brown decision were: (1) Considered a component of trade and industrial education; (2) Were oriented more toward industrial education or skill preparation; (3) Teachers were prepared in industrial education; (4) Programs were more common in the city school divisions and more common in high schools with grades eight through twelve; (5) Facilities or shop designs were usually of the comprehensive type; and (6) Fewer funds were allotted to black industrial arts education programs for equipment, supplies, and teacher’ salaries in comparison to the white programs in the state. 2. What effect did the Brown decision have on industrial arts education programs for blacks? The Brown decision did not have an altering effect until the mid-1960s on the characteristics of industrial arts education programs offered to blacks. 3. How did the transition from segregated to desegregated schools affect industrial arts education programs? Black and white industrial arts education programs remained unchanged until the mid-sixties as school systems began to establish policies to integrate faculty and student populations. Blacks schools and programs closed, teachers were displaced, programs discontinued and names of schools and organizations changed. 4. How were these programs supervised at the state level? Industrial arts education programs between the years of 1951 through 1969 were supervised under’ the service area of the division of trade and industrial education and industrial arts education. Each year the director of trade and industrial education and industrial arts education of the Department. of Education appointed an assistant state supervisor to assume the overall responsibilities of industrial arts supervision and instruction. This person worked with Dr. William T. Reed, an itinerant teacher-educator with part-time teacher education responsibilities at Virginia State College and part-time supervision duties with the Department of Education. / Ed. D.

The primary purpose of this study was to investigate (1) the degree of compliance by PHBCU in meeting the white student enrollment standards in the Adams States that took place between 1976-1984; (2) the implementation of Adams v Richardson between 1976-1984 based on the enrollment of white students at PHBCU; and (3) the implementation of Adams v Richardson as determined by mandated State plans between 1976-1984. Data were generated from two principal sources. They were: 1. State plans for complying with the Adams decision. 2. Refined HEGIS enrollment data by race and level of instruction. Results can be summarized as follows: (1) The PHBCUs varied widely in their reports of compliance. They implemented a variety of strategies to recruit white students. The form and pattern used varied considerably from one campus to another. (2) Nonetheless, the percent of overall white enrollment in the 25 PHBCUs increased from 6,729 or 7.3% of total PHBCU enrollment in 1976 to 8,119 or 9.6% of total enrollment in 1984, an increase in those years of about 20% (Table 23). (3) At the same time, white student enrollment in all classes of principally black institutions in the ten Adams states increased from 13,108 students in 1976 to 18,547 in 1984, an increase of 42% during this period (Table 15). (4) Similarly, white student enrollment increased by about 41% in all classes of principally black institutions nationwide during this same period (Table 5). (5) Accordingly, whatever benefits from the Adams decision that may have accrued to the PHBCU seem to have been accelerated in other classes of black institutions. (6) The evidence from this study does not support the conclusion that the Adams decision materially improved or enhanced the planning process in the PHBCUs. It may well have done so, but the evidence is not forthcoming from this study to support any firm conclusion in that regard. (7) What seems clear, however, is that the Adams decision drew positive attention to a need for institutional and statewide planning in all classes of black institutions, particularly in the Adams states, and to the need for systematic development of information, and for conscientious monitoring and assessment of results. It would appear that all classes of black institutions, not solely the PHBCU targeted by the Adams decision, were attentive to the message conveyed by the decision. / Ed. D.

The purpose of this study was to examine the expectations of African American and Hispanic males in a for-profit university (TTU). This study specifically explored student perception of the retention efforts of faculty, staff, policies, procedures and services within the institutional environment. It further examined how these experiences promoted or impeded the African American or Hispanic male's persistence to graduation. The higher education institution is identified as TTU throughout this study. It is a commuter university established in the early 1900s. A qualitative case study approach was used and two campus sites were selected. Data collection included interviews of 19 students, along with 2 faculty (identified by students), as well as document analysis, and various on site observations at each campus. The data were then transcribed, coded, and analyzed to ascertain the overall views and perceptions of the participants. / by Carole Comarcho. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This project seeks to develop a marketing and advertising campaign for the United Negro College Fund (UNCF). The proposed California campaign is designed to reach an underserved target market in the state of California and to increase donations to the UNCF by one million dollars a year.

The problem of this study is the design of a comprehensive developmental profile for a Texas black college, based upon qualitative academic and nonacademic differences evident through comparison with a predominantly white institution of similar size and purpose. The purposes of the study are first, to identify features which differ between the selected black institution and the more highly rated white college. Second, to analyze differences discovered, and recommend a comprehensive program for upgrading the excellence level of the substandard institution.

This study explored why academically qualified African American students, those eligible to attend four-year institutions, choose to attend community colleges and are, thereby, undermatched. This qualitative study investigated how these students navigated the college choice process, what influenced their decision to attend a community college, what their experience at a community college was like, and their aspirations to obtain a baccalaureate degree. Purposeful sampling was used to gather a sample of 19 African American students attending community college in Dallas, Texas. The sample included 14 females and five males. Data were collected through 40-60 minute semi-structured interviews and a brief demographic survey. The conceptual frameworks for this study included Kassie Freeman’s predetermination model that includes cultural considerations in college choice and the Somers et al. model that addresses factors that increase the likelihood of a student choosing to attend a community college. This integrated framework captures the role that family and culture play in African American community college choice. Findings suggest that the community college choice influences for academically eligible African American students vary from traditional college choice models. Whereas factors such as cost, location, and the role of peers played somewhat of a role in their choice, participants were also heavily influenced by sports, self-perceptions of maturity, and the perceptions of their families. Another key finding was that the effects of undermatching vary. All of the participants in this study felt that attending a community college fostered transfer preparedness, supported personal development, and promoted their academic success. However, some of the participants also felt that attending a community college hindered their sense of autonomy and limited their social engagement. This variation leads to the conclusion that undermatching effects vary and are dependent upon a variety of contextual factors. Policy and practice recommendations are provided for parents, teachers, counselors, and higher education professionals.

This study broadly examines how Black parents in Minnesota’s Saint Paul Public Schools (SPPS) make sense of and respond to the achievement gap. Using a qualitative research design, I interviewed 21 SPPS Black parents, of diverse backgrounds, and seven district administrators to gather their perspectives on how the phenomenon known as the achievement gap is “named,” “framed,” and “claimed” within the mainstream educational community and through the unique experiences of Black parents in SPPS. Specifically, I asked: (1) to what extent are Black parents in SPPS aware of the race-based achievement gap, and how do they interpret or make sense of it; (2) how does knowledge of the gap influence the attitudes and interactions of Black parents in SPPS toward and with the school system; and (3) how do Black parents in SPPS engage in, or react to, the district’s efforts to develop and/or implement programs, policies, and practices designed to address the achievement gap? I found that the Black parents I interviewed have strong opinions about, and reactions to, academic outcomes and disparities. They are aware of disparities in education but don’t think or talk about the achievement gap in the same way as is dominant in public discourse. The parents acknowledge many reasons why children don’t do well and have something to say about what should done and by whom. Their engagement in their children’s schooling experience, whether visible or not (especially if not), is a form of resistance and advocacy, and they want and need to be part of a larger movement to amplify their collective voice. This study is intended to provide guidance to leaders and decision-makers in SPPS as the district develops, implements, or redesigns programs, policies, and practices aimed at eliminating racial disparities in student achievement. In particular, I recommend that careful and ongoing exploration of Black parent perspectives and behaviors would be useful to the district’s efforts to address the achievement gap.

It was estimated that 35 million people age 65 or older lived in the United States in 2000. Of that number 2.8 million were Black/African American. The U.S. Census Bureau's (2000) population projections show that there will be 70 million older adults age 65 or older by 2030 and African Americans are expected to comprise over 12% of that population. In 1993 older adults had made less elective use of computers than younger adults, accounting for 24.2% of those age 55 to 64 and 4.9% of adults over age 65. By 2003 adults over age 65 recorded a 20.1% increase in computer usage becoming the fastest growing segment of computer users who are engaging in learning computer skills as a way of coping with the technological changes. Studies have found that greater experience with computers is associated with more positive attitudes; however, it has never been determined whether this is true of the older African American population since there is a paucity of research documenting their computer attitudes. This study utilized a mixed methods research design that included an experimental design and an inductive approach with interviews. The following findings emerged: (a) attitudes differed for older African Americans who received computer training and those who did not; (b) there was no distinction in computer attitudes between older adult male and older adult females in the African American population; (c) there was no interaction effect on computer attitudes as moderated by training and gender; (d) older African Americans exhibited a positive disposition towards computers which elicited positive attitudes towards the technology; (e) older African Americans had a nascent need for computer self-efficacy; and (f) older African Americans constructed new meaning regarding computers as a result of their reflection on their computer interaction experience. / The findings have established that older African Americans' attitudes can be influenced by direct computer experience and the study extends prior research by identifying the process by which attitude change takes place. / by Nigel Leon Lovell-Martin. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Thesis. 1975. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Bibliography: leaves 91-95. / M.C.P.