Winnie Mandela has endured so many scandals over the last ten years that she has acquired a reputation for being untouchable. It is therefore ironic that there are those who feel that "the ANC want to act against Winnie not because of her human rights record, but for her outspoken criticism of the government's inability to deliver houses, thwart crime and testing our feelings on the death penalty." This assessment is instructive because in the "... turbulent years of the 1980s, she was a hero, a living martyr to the black liberation cause and despite the discomforts inflicted on her by her perpetrators, she revelled in the role" (Sparks, 1994:15). But Winnie Madikazela-Mandela, who was a Deputy Minister before being dismissed and who has had to appear before the TRC because of allegations that she was responsible for the death of teenage activist Stompie Seipei, has nevertheless been able to make a political comeback. The thesis therefore sets out to examine the rationale behind the State President's (he did not hold this title then) decision to take a considerable risk in standing by Winnie Madikazela-Mandela (they were at the time married) during her trial on charges of kidnapping in 1991. Even after her conviction, Mandela wrote that "as far as I was concerned, verdict or no verdict, her innocence was not in doubt." This unstinting loyalty was replicated elsewhere. Commenting on her acquittal on the assault charges, ANC Youth League President, Peter Mokaba, said: "What was taken away from her as a result of these false allegations must now be given back". He described the Appellate Division decision as "a political sentence" saying: "It has nothing to do with whether she was guilty or not."3 The ANC has established a practice of accommodating dissidents within its structures and has survived complex challenges during its years in exile by doing so. But political commentators are now asking whether the political cost will prove to be too great.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The research investigates the reason why service delivery is slow and not enough or just not available in many areas. It highlights the problems that hamper progress toward achieving service delivery. Some of the problems discussed are: (a) The non-availability of enabling legislation to enable the state department to carry out their projects and plans, including the difficulty of implementing policy. While the government is quick to announce that it is going to achieve certain goals, it does not follow through to achieve these goals. (b) Some of the government ministers are unwilling to bring about a speedy recovery because- (1) they are busy building their own images and wealth; and (2) most of all are party loyalists whose hands are tied by the socialist ideology. While the ministers preach about how successful they are in providing basic services to the people, the very same people we are told are served, are complaining that the government is not doing enough to address the problems that affect the poor. In more cases than one, the situation of the people has remained the same as if they were living during the old apartheid days.

The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.

South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

M.A. / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments. This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments. The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bevrydingstryde en die manier waarop bevrydingsbewegings georganiseer is kan 'n blywende impak op post-bevryding samelewings laat. Hierdie studie is uitgevoer om bevrydingsbewegings as regerings na te vors en ondersoek in te stel oor hoe die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur beïnvloed word in post-bevryding samelewings wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het bygedra tot een van die mees vreedsame oorgange van mag op die Afrika-kontinent. Die stigma rondom bevrydingsbewegings het egter gelei tot die implementering van 'n studie oor die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging en of die ANC as regerende party wel 'n sukses van sy staatsbestuur van Suid-Afrika gemaak het. Hierdie tesis gebruik Suid-Afrika as 'n gevallestudie om te bepaal hoe die kwaliteit van bestuur beïnvloed word wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Hierdie tesis is gefokus op die voortslepende gevolge van die struktuur en organisasie van bevrydingsbewegings. Dit is dus 'n verkennende asook beskrywende studie waar die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging ondersoek word en waar die ANC as 'n bevrydingsbeweging staan in vergelyking met die ANC as 'n regerende party. Die gebruik van historiese ontleding om die struktuur en interne bestuur van die bevrydingsbeweging te ontdek, is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die nalatenskappe, wat vandag nog ’n invloed het op die ANC selfs ná sy oorgang van 'n bevrydingsbeweging na 'n politieke party, te verduidelik. Om dit te kan doen het die tesis gebruik gemaak van Rothstein en Teorell (2008) se teoretiese raamwerk van die gehalte van bestuur wat gedefineer word as onpartydigheid. Hierdie nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het kwansuis 'n impak op die gehalte van die staatsbestuur van die ANC as 'n regerende party in 'n post-bevryding Suid-Afrika gehad. Deur navorsing te doen oor die laaste twintig jaar van die ANC-regering in Suid-Afrika se post-bevryding gemeenskap, ondersoek hierdie tesis die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings om sodoende die gehalte van regering in Suid-Afrika te evalueer, en om daardeur te ontdek wat word van die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die bevindings van hierdie studie dui aan op drie gevolgtrekkings. Eerstens, die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het vandag nog 'n groot invloed op die modus operandi, die struktuur en die doelwitte van die ANC. Tweedens, hierdie nalatenskappe het bygedra tot die agteruitgang van die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings, in die besonder as gevolg van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) projek en sy kaderontplooiing strategie waar aanstellings gemaak is sonder om die beginsel van onpartydigheid in ag te neem. Die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het dus 'n negatiewe impak op die gehalte van die ANC se staatsbestuur. Laastens het hierdie tesis bevind dat in die geval van Suid-Afrika, toe die ANC as bevrydingsbeweging oorgeneem het as die regerende party in 'n post-bevryding samelewing, die gehalte van bestuur negatiewelik geaffekteer is. Verdere navorsing in hierdie gebied word benodig om hierdie bevindinge met ander lande wat ’n soortgelyke geskiedenis deel te vergelyk en om sodoende te veralgemeen oor ander bevrydingsbewegings en gevolglik die kwaliteit van bestuur in ander lande te verbeter.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka jämställdhetsfrågors aktualitet och betydelse i den sydafrikanska politiken. Detta görs med förhoppningen att kunna säga någonting om landets potentiella jämställdhetsutveckling, och om huruvida en sådan utveckling kan påverka den generella utvecklingen i ett land som är viktigt för regionen både ekonomiskt och inom jämställdhetsområdet. Studien undersöker därför Sydafrikas tre största partiers valmanifest inför de lokala val som hölls i augusti 2016 – ANC:s, DA:s och EFF:s - för att ta reda på hur jämställdhetsfrågor behandlas, alternativt icke behandlas. Undersökningen genomförs med hjälp av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultaten påvisar att valet, ur en partipolitisk synvinkel, inte genomsyrades av jämställdhet eller av en jämställdhetsinriktad diskurs. Därför är undersökningen pessimistisk till Sydafrikas vidareutveckling inom jämställdhetsområdet inom den närmaste framtiden, och därmed även till dess positiva inverkan på den generella utvecklingen i landet. Detta trots ett skiftande politiskt landskap.

In the waning days of apartheid, an operative of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of South Africa’s most powerful dissident organization the African National Congress, returned to his home community of N’wamitwa after over a decade in exile. His mission was to spark a people’s war, an imported form of revolutionary warfare developed by Mao Zedong and perfected by the North Vietnamese in their revolutionary struggles. In this thesis I examine the political context in which the ANC chose to adopt the strategy and how it was imported into South Africa. The later chapters of this thesis use N’wamitwa as a case study examining how a people’s war is successfully implemented on the ground. I argue that one can see the three phases of a people’s war as articulated by Mao play out in N’wamitwa between the years 1989 to 1994 This piece was largely written and researched using oral testimony from nine former members of the MK in N’wamitwa and thus can also be seen as a collection of personal histories of the South African Freedom Struggle. / Graduate

The study traces and explains reformulation of ANC nationalisation policy between 1990 and early 1994. In doing so it develops the sociology of nationalisation. It argues that nationalisation is a nexus of particular social relations. (Abbreviation abstract) / AC2017

Student Number: 0516477F DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS / This research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.