儘管有些人認為冷戰的結束代表著「歷史的終結」，但中共領導人們卻不這麼認為。他們認為冷戰的結束把我們從「兩極對抗」的世界帶入「多極化世界」。 進一步研究中共冷戰後的公開文件，我們可以發現「多極化世界」的提法無所不在。一方面，「多極化世界」不斷出現在重要的對內與對外文件，以致於我們有理由相信「多極化世界」的概念對冷戰後的中共具有相當的重要性。另一方面，「多極化世界」的概念具有相當強的延續性，從鄧小平晚期到習近平的公開記錄中，我們都可以發現它的蹤跡。 因此，「多極化世界」的特殊性成為本研究的研究動機，而這個概念本身則成為本研究的研究目的。本研究欲探究的問題有兩個：第一，「多極化世界」的本質是什麼？第二，以「多極化世界」這個概念為主軸的中共，在經歷國力快速增長後，是否會符合「國強必霸」的命題？ 為了探究這樣的課題，本研究採取詮釋學理論途徑做為研究途徑。在此研究途徑下，本研究將以大量文獻作為根基，並以中共領導人的談話記錄或演講記錄為對象，進行詮釋分析。希望透過這樣的努力，能更深入的理解「多極化世界」這個概念背後的意涵。 / Although some might consider the end of the Cold War as the end of history, however, leaders of PRC do not think so. They think the end of the Cold War brought us from a bipolarity world to a world with Multi-polarity tendency. When we study public documents of PRC after the Cold War，we can find the keyword “World with Multi-polarity Tendency” everywhere. On one hand, we can find the keyword “World with Multi-polarity Tendency” in many important public documents, whether its audience is PRC’s people or other countries in the world, which makes us have good reasons to believe the significance of the key words “World with Multi-polarity Tendency”. On the other hand, the concept of “World with Multi-polarity Tendency” has great continuity. We can find it from Deng, Siao-Ping to Si, Jin-Ping. Because of the reasons above, to understand the concept of “World with Multi-polarity Tendency” is the motivation of this study. And the concept of “World with Multi-polarity Tendency” itself is the target of this study. We get two main questions in this study：First, what is the nature of “World with Multi-polarity Tendency”？ Second, if PRC really take this concept as its main idea, will PRC become a hegemony power after it become strong？ This study chooses interpretive research as its approach, and taking PRC leaders’ public documents as targets to analyze the concept of “World with Multi-polarity Tendency”. Hoping through these works, we can have a deeper understand about it.

An Abstract The text focuses on the aim of the state politics to gain the position of the first global hegemony after the end of the Cold War. It observes, with the regard to the wide-ranging influence of the USA at that time, and to the important American visions about its character, especially their particular decisions. It tries to describe the way, which the other influential participants of the global politics, the states as well as those of other kind, used to express their reactions to this activity, and their relation to the USA, the strongest contender in the effort to acquire the first global hegemony. The power contest is here mainly introduced by the insight into the course of the conflicts, which they, after the end of the Cold War, faced and influenced. The text concentrates on those political and security challenges with, apart from the policies of the USA, the strong presence of the intervention of the international organizations, above all the UN, the NATO and the EU, or of the occassionally created alliances. The prospects of hegemonial possibilities is presented in the conclusion.