This thesis analyzes George Canning's persuasive campaign to gain British recognition of Latin America. The modification of an exigence capable of change through persuasion was emphasized, and the audiences which had the power to bring about the change were identified. The campaign was broken into seven discernible, but dependent, stages which were examined to test the progress of the campaign. Canning was the prime mover of the campaign, and through a series of petitions, speeches, and press releases plus other strategic maneuvers, gained the necessary public and political support to successfully achieve his goal.

Orientadores: Leila da Costa Ferreira, Roberto Pereira Guimarães / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T15:45:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Albuquerque_AntonioCarlosCarneirode_D.pdf: 2983033 bytes, checksum: 1c5e8b505bfe487d81f5831ce7724802 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Nesta tese estabeleceu-se o objetivo de pesquisar a construção da abordagem socioambiental, na perspectiva da sociedade civil da América Latina no âmbito internacional, com o recorte nas conferências internacionais e reuniões organizadas pelas Nações Unidas sobre meio ambiente. Neste sentido, o que se pretendeu nesse trabalho foi compreender as origens, os significados e os desdobramentos das discussões sobre a sustentabilidade, o desenvolvimento, a temática ambiental, ocorridas nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização desses encontros, e de que forma levaram à formação de uma perspectiva socioambiental na arena internacional. Também são apresentadas as alterações no contexto, nos elementos constitutivos e nos referenciais teóricos criados pelos atores participantes dos fóruns internacionais patrocinados pela ONU ao longo de cerca de cinco décadas, especialmente no que diz respeito à sociedade civil. Procurou-se, assim, realizar a análise dos registros e produtos gerados nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização de cada um dos eventos internacionais, tanto na agenda oficial quanto nos eventos paralelos de cada um deles. A tese também faz uma análise segundo cada um dos períodos históricos vinculados às conferências e reuniões da ONU e cobertos pela pesquisa (1960 e 1970, 1980, 1990 e século XXI), procurando construir uma caracterização dos movimentos e das organizações sociais em relação a sua forma de organização, a sua agenda, ao seu modo de atuação e as suas relações com os demais atores sociais, com especial atenção para a realidade Latino-Americana. Na parte conceitual, formulou-se um breve panorama acerca das principais correntes de pensamento que procuraram refletir sobre a sociedade civil e os movimentos sociais na transição do século XX para o século XXI, onde são apontados os elementos mais significativos de como tais linhas de pensamento procuravam analisar e compreender suas características, suas relações com seus pares e com os demais atores sociais da esfera pública e privada, além deressaltar as diferenças em relação à sociedade civil de outras épocas. O objetivo principal era salientar que são conceitos em constante alteração e objeto de grande debate por parte do campo acadêmico e em várias áreas do conhecimento, reflexos da complexidade que tais atores vêm ganhando ao longo do tempo. Por ser a América Latina o foco de análise da tese, são apresentadas informações sobre os fatores sociais, econômicos e políticos da região a partir de eixos temáticos comuns, característicos do continente e que têm significância para o surgimento da abordagem socioambiental: elementos sociais, políticos e econômicos históricos, as relações entre os campos públicos e privados e a relações da sociedade civil com o Estado, na democracia e em regimes autoritários. Tal apreciação abrange os seguintes países: Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, Equador, México e Peru. A esse painel soma-se um quadro sobre a situação e os desafios ambientais na América Latina e suas relações com a esfera internacional. Finalmente, são apresentados os elementos que pautaram a formulação da abordagem socioambiental e os desafios para que esta visão seja efetivamente implantada por atores sociais, propondo-se, para tanto, da adoção de um paradigma pautado pela Ecopolítica, capaz de enfrentar a questão ambiental, sua complexidade e seu caráter global. / Abstract: In this thesis objective was to investigate the construction of the social environmental approach in the perspective of the Latin America civil society at international level, with the cutting out in the international conferences and meetings organized by the United Nations on environment. In this sense, the intent was to understand the origins, the meanings and the ramifications the debate about sustainability, development, environmental issues taken place in the preparatory phases and during the realization of these meetings and, in which form they led to the formation of a social environmental perspective at the international level. It also shows the changes on the context, in the constitutive elements and in the theoretical referential created by the actors along five decades, especially regarding civil society. Therefore an analysis of the registers and products produced in the preparatory phases and during the realization of each one of the international events was carried out, both in the official scenario and in the parallel events. The theory also does an analysis following each one of the historical periods linked to the conferences and meetings of the United Nations and covered by the research (1960 and 1970, 1980, 1990 and century XXI) in order to build a characterization of the movements and social organization regarding their form, agenda, way of acting and of their relationship with other social actors, with special attention for the Latin-American reality. In the part conceptual part a short view was formulated about the main theoretical groups that tried to explain civil society and social movements during the transition of the century XX for the century XXI, where the most significant elements were highlighted referring to their characteristics, relations with their peers and with other social actors of the public and private sphere, besides emphasizing the differences regarding the civil society of other times. The main objective was to point out that those are concepts in constant alteration and object of great discussion on the academic field and in several areas, which reflects the complexity those actors have gained along the time. Since the Latin America is the focus of analysis of the theory, information about historical, social, economical and political reality of the region have been presented from a thematic axles referring common characteristic of the continent and that have signification for the appearance of social environmental approach: historical social, political and economical elements, relations between the public and private fields and relations of the civil society with the State in the democracy and in authoritarian regimes. Such an appreciation includes the following countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru. A picture is added up to this panel on the situation and the environmental challenges in the Latin America and its relations with the international sphere. Finally, the thesis presents the elements that ruled the formulation of the social environmental approach and the challenges so that this vision might be effectively implemented by social actors, being proposed the adoption of a paradigm ruled by Ecological Politics, able to face the environmental issue, its complexity and global character. / Doutorado / Aspectos Sociais de Sustentabilidade e Conservação / Doutor em Ambiente e Sociedade

President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles began trying to make military matériel available to Latin America during the latter 1930s. Little progress was made until passage of the Lend-Lease Act in 1941 enabled Washington to furnish eighteen Latin American nations with about $493,000,000 worth of military assistance during World War II. This study, based primarily on State Department lend-lease decimal files in the National Archives and documents published in Foreign Relations volumes, views the policy's background, development, and implementation in each recipient nation. The conclusion is that the policy produced mixed results for the United States and Latin America.

This study examines the efforts of the Union and Confederate diplomatic agents to influence the events along the Rio Grande during the Civil War. The paper compares the successful accomplishments of Confederate agent Jose Quintero to the hindered maneuverings of the Union representatives, Leonard Pierce and M. M. Kimuey. Utilizing microfilmed sources from State Department records and Confederate despatches, the paper relates the steps Quintero took to secure the Confederate-Mexico border trade, obtain favorable responses from the various ruling parties in northern Mexico, and hamper the Union agents' attempts to quell the border trade.

Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.

Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T13:18:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Scherma_MarcioAugusto1983-_M.pdf: 1731355 bytes, checksum: 222e0016d2582a37a6de7a95c45ed13e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira / Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements. We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Submitted by ARTHUR FELIPE MURTA ROCHA SOARES null (arthur_murta@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-17T15:50:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Arthur Murta STD 2016.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sandra Manzano de Almeida (smanzano@marilia.unesp.br) on 2016-03-17T18:02:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 soares_afmr_me_mar.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-17T18:02:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 soares_afmr_me_mar.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Dois eixos estratégicos importantes vêm pautando a política externa brasileira recente: o eixo global, enfatizado no multilateralismo e nos novos arranjos mundiais, que almeja para o país a posição de potência emergente; e o eixo regional, voltado para a América do Sul, que visa aumentar sua projeção e presença ante seus vizinhos. No que concerne ao plano regional, verifica-se uma crescente participação institucional brasileira na mediação de crises, como no Paraguai (2012). Ressalta-se que a articulação brasileira em tal evento ocorreu por meio da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul), expandindo e reforçando a cooperação regional. Assim, a atuação do Brasil no gerenciamento de crises recentes foi o elemento motivador para o estudo e a análise da forma como se organiza a presença do país no contexto sul-americano atualmente. A partir do redescobrimento do espaço regional, com o marco de criação da Unasul em 2008, este trabalho objetiva verificar como a crise política paraguaia de 2012, que levou o então presidente Fernando Lugo à deposição, repercutiu na região, sinalizando o modus operandi da Unasul na gestão de crises, bem como qual foi o papel do Brasil no desenrolar dos fatos. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com investigação exploratória, de fundamentação bibliográfica e documental, apoiada na leitura de periódicos regionais e, em menor medida, de fora da região, relativos à ação da Unasul e às posturas brasileiras durante as crises ocorridas no período 2008-2012, com ênfase na crise do Paraguai. Acredita-se que a Unasul vem se constituindo como instituição regional detentora da primazia na resolução de crises. Ademais, as reações brasileiras frente aos recentes processos de instabilidade política regional podem ser vistas como uma nova compreensão acerca da articulação do Brasil na América do Sul, que ocorre sempre nos fóruns multilaterais, evitando assim possíveis desgastes diplomáticos nas relações bilaterais. / Two important strategic pillars have guided Brazil’s recent foreign policy: the global axis, with an emphasis in the multilateralism and the new global arrangements, which aspires an emerging power position for the country; and the regional axis, facing South America, aimed at increasing its projection and presence among their neighbors. Regarding the regional level, a growing Brazilian institutional participation in mediating crises can be found as in the Paraguay case (2012). It is noteworthy that the Brazilian coordination in such an event happened through the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), expanding regional cooperation. Thus, Brazil's performance in the recent crisis management was the motivating factor for the study and analysis of how it organizes the country's presence in the South American context nowadays. From the rediscovery of regional space, with the landmark creation of Unasur in 2008, this study aims to verify how the 2012’s Paraguayan political crisis, which led to then-President Fernando Lugo’s deposition, reflected in the region, signaling the modus operandi of Unasur in managing crisis, and to analyze what was Brazil's role during these events. It is a qualitative research, with exploratory investigation, bibliographic and documental foundation, based on the reading of regional newspapers and, to a lesser extent, from outside the region, relative to the action of Unasur and the Brazilian postures through the crises during the period 2008-2012, with an emphasis in the Paraguayan crisis. It is believed that Unasur is becoming a regional institution that holds the primacy in resolving crises. In addition, Brazilian forward reactions to recent regional political instability processes can be seen as a new understanding of Brazil's coordination in South America, which always occurs in multilateral forums, avoiding possible diplomatic wear in bilateral relations.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.