Ce texte se veut une reflexion sociologique sur la quete et la reconnaissance de l'identite politique et culturelle de deux peuples: les Autochtones et les Quebecois-es. Nous croyons qu'en cette fin de siecle ces deux peuples ont atteint la maturite politique necessaire a la negociation de compromis selon la theorie de l'agir communicationel de Jurgen Habermas. Les entites culturelles engagees dans ce type d'agir pourraient assurer la reconnaissance de leur identite dans l'histoire. Ainsi il nous a semble que la crise autochtone au Quebec avait montre que les peuples concernes etaient capables de l'agir communicationnel. Une analyse de contenu de La Presse et du Devoir pendant cette courte periode historique nous a permis de situer les Autochtones et les Quebecois-es dans un monde vecu partage.

In-depth interviews were conducted with eight European life-long sport professionals who were former elite athletes and then successful coaches in team sports. The purpose of the interview was to explore the role and the evolution of imagery from athlete to coach and to also determine whether mental imagery was used in any way by these professional coaches for enhancing team unity. Analysis showed that all these exceptional performers had excellent imagery skills and they used imagery training to achieve their sport related goals. Practical implications for enhancing team unity through imagery are also presented.

This is a study of whether Science DOES transcend Culture naturally--not whether it CAN do so. That Science can be adopted into any culture is clear from modern history (as in China today). That Science does not automatically develop even when a Culture has reached a high level of technical achievement (as in modern China) or intellectual sophistication (as in ancient Greece) is also clear from history. Evidently Science and Technology are not the same thing, for none of these high Cultures ever succeeded in crossing the threshold into an Industrial Revolution. Yet it did appear in Europe where Technology is not particularly remarkable, but Philosophy is. Research has shown that non-Indo-Europeans are highly inventive and responsible for all basic Technology, but are quite un-philosophical. On the other hand, Indo-Europeans are quite uninventive but philosophically inclined and responsible for all philosophical systems. Neither Philosophy nor Technology alone is capable of producing Science. Only when Philosophy is applied to Technology does Science arise. An examination of the reasons for these circumstances constitutes the subject of this thesis. To the question, Can Science transcend Culture, the answer would be unquestionably, Yes. To the question, Does Science transcend Culture, the answer apparently is NO. Science can transcend Culture but apparently it does not by nature do so. It thus appears to be an activity that is culturally conditioned. The interrelationship between language and thought is explored: evidence show that non-Indo-European languages do not permit or encourage speculation of a philosophical nature, whereas Indo-European languages do. How did this bifurcation come about and what factors tend to preserve it? Did language predetermine thought patterns, or has some mental characteristic, possibly genetically determined, been responsible for the structure of language? The possible relevance of all this in terms of educational methods is considered. By formulating precisely the relationships between Philosophy, Technology, and Science, and by giving attention to the part which the structure of Language plays in these relationships, it is hoped to give some direction to the content of Education needed to train and equip Scientists.

Abstract Not Available.

Cette recherche est une reflexion sur la technique. Elle met en lumiere sa dimension culturelle. Pour comprendre la technique il faut en effet faire appel au systeme de valeurs auquel toujours elle refere. Elle n'est jamais exterieure au domaine de sens. Cette facon de concevoir la technique permet de mettre en lumiere comment elle "fait sens" de differentes manieres a differents moments de l'histoire. La recherche montre les rapports entre le monde de la technique et celui du symbole dans le secteur forestier canadien. Les techniques de gestion forestieres font appel a differentes symboliques qui marquent l'exploitation de la foret. Aux premiers temps de la colonisation les techniques de controle de la foret sont reduites mais il existe une symbolique tres forte de l'espace forestier. La foret est a la fois obstacle et richesse mais surtout une ressource inepuisable. Les techniques mises en jeu pour controler cet espace traduisent ainsi ces visions symboliques. Avec les debuts de l'exploitation commerciale de la foret au XIXe siecle l'imaginaire forestier prend un tout autre contenu. La foret-richesse devient la symbolique dominante tandis que la foret-obstacle se vide lentement de son contenu dans l'esprit des gens. Avec l'utilisation de moyens techniques plus importants et la main mise etrangere sur cette exploitation se forme une vision d'une foret-alienee. L'orientation predatrice de l'exploitation de la foret va conduire finalement a une revision du grand mythe de la foret inepuisable. La gestion dans un but unique de profit conduit directement a la prise en consideration d'une foret-precieuse, puisque epuisable. Un grand mouvement pour la conservation des forets se dessine alors en Amerique. Une batterie de techniques de conservation vont etre suggerees et finalement mises en oeuvre. Enfin, les enchai nements de l'histoire poussent les gouvernements et les compagnies forestieres vers une gestion scientifique de la foret. Avec elle surgit une foret sur laquelle il devient de plus en plus difficile de symboliser. Les populations sont exclues de ce nouvel art de controle. Des reactions ne se font pas attendre. Les propos d'Esdras Minville traduisent ce malaise. Il suggere de redonner la foret aux populations par la creation de fermes forestieres pour des "paysans-proprietaires".

The subject of this thesis is the daily patterns of social and spatial behaviour in the barrios of Quito, Ecuador. Latin American barrios are low-income settlements which emerge illegally in the periphery of the cities, without basic infrastructure, and which are built progressively through the self-help efforts of owner-residents. Barrios are in quantitative and qualitative terms the most important phenomenon of Latin American urbanization. Between 25-50% of the residents of the cities live in such settlements. The social organization of barrio residents is rich, complex and distinct from other urban groups such as high-income sectors, which traditionally aspire to a North American or European way of life. Despite the fact that barrio populations have specific patterns of daily, social and spatial behaviour, urban planning by municipal authorities in Latin America has been tailored towards the lifestyle of high-income groups. The city of Quito, a capita of one million inhabitants, is no exception to this pattern. It is evident from the literature and from my own professional experience--as an educator in the barrios and later as a municipal planner--that the prevalent planning orientation towards high-income groups is partly due to a lack of common language between social scientists and planners. It is, however, also due to a lack of knowledge by planners and geographers of how the urban culture of barrio groups works. Much research has been carried out to date in the barrios but it suffers from inadequate understanding of the spatial dimensions of daily social behaviour. The social geography of barrios is indeed poorly known. I argue here that the spatial analysis of daily social interaction is a crucial component in explaining the obvious differences in spatial behaviour between low-income and high-income groups and in communicating this understanding in a practical and tangible form to municipal planners. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to help fill this gap in knowledge through a geographical examination of daily patterns of social and spatial behaviour. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

ABSTRACT HAS BEEN ARCHIVED 10/15/93

The purpose of this research is to investigate the relationship between the labour force development of Indian reserves in Canada and their physical accessibility to off-reserve communities designated as service centres. The second goal is to examine the relationship between the traditional cultural affiliation of reserves and their labour force development. The diffusionist and dependency development paradigms are considered to place the role of accessibility and cultural affiliation into the context of reserve development. A review of the literature investigating the influence of physical accessibility upon reserve development follows. The traditional Indian culture areas of Canada are introduced, as are the rationale for investigating the roles of these two factors in reserve development. The reserves were then classified into six samples representing cultural affiliation. These are the Iroquoian, Algonkian, Plains, Mackenzie River, Plateau, and Pacific Coast culture areas. Lastly, two culture areas are examined to gain further insight into the nature of differences amongst reserves falling into the same access category. Levels of education and mother tongues spoken in the Algonkian and Pacific Coast culture areas are compared to this end. In conclusion, the major differences amongst the samples are highlighted in terms of the hypotheses posed in this research. Some further avenues of inquiry are then suggested for future research. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis applies trauma theory to three boxing genres: autobiography, fiction, and film, respectively. I examine boxing, a sport that puts the male body on display, as being constitutionally split between sadism and masochism, masculinity and femininity. I argue that boxing culture, as well as the culture beyond the ring, attempts to overcome the fragmentation, the trauma, that results from this division by identifying with the winning, not the losing, boxer, thereby reintrenching the myth of male presence; however, by examining David Savran's and Kaja Silverman's theories of male subjectivity as well as Joyce Carol Oates's On Boxing, I demonstrate that what we call "male presence" is really a cover for "male absence." In the conclusion, therefore, I argue that Muhammad Ali, rather than asserting a re-covery from trauma, attests to the trauma at the heart of male subjectivity, thereby undermining male presence, what Kaja Silverman calls the "dominant fiction."

This dissertation examines how cyberspace will impact upon mass media's socialization process within media culture. Mass media is defined as an elite-owned system which produces a limited number of symbols that socialize the audience according to the requirements of the economic system. The audience of mass media is described as located within media culture which is the location of media's symbol-flow. Cyberspace is defined as structurally-differentiated from mass media. Its distributed design has made it impossible for monopolistic ownership or state control to regulate completely the flow of symbols (communication and content production). Thus I conclude that cyberspace represents the democratization of symbol-flow (or the radicalization of free expression) within media culture. Case studies of media texts and events demonstrate the structurally-differentiated symbol-flow of mass media and cyberspace, the former being highly-constrained by the economic system, the latter exhibiting a highly-unconstrained flow of symbols (with symbols equivalent to shared meaning and values). With these two different types of media systems, constrained and unconstrained symbol-flow, I then apply a model of symbol-flow as a form of cultural reproduction. Mary Douglas' theory of collective memory describes culture as the arena of shared implicit assumptions about humans and nature. These assumptions are embedded in symbols which act as a form of social meta-communication. The social order is communicated through the symbols which are in use within social interaction. Collective memory allows us to analyse mass media as a highly-controlled form of social reproduction (thus the success and power of its socialization process is explained). Collective memory also allows us to identify how cyberspace will impact upon the socialization process of mass media. If the economic system is highly dependent upon mass media's constrained flow of symbols for its socialization effect (and it is), then unconstrained communication/symbol-flow within cyberspace represents the potential subversion of the dominant meanings and values which are reproduced through mass media. I argue that cyberspace potentially undermines the socialization process established through mass media. Collective memory provides a tool for examining the implications of a structurally-differentiated mode of communication (cyberspace) which has arisen within media culture in the late twentieth century.