The exaggerated anti-Communist crusade of Senator Joseph McCarthy allegedly gained the support of a majority of Americans during the early 1950's. It is historically important and interesting to question that supposition by considering the character of McCarthy's following in each state. This study shows that in Utah sympathy for the second Red Scare abounded and evidences of McCarthyism were readily apparent. Three indicators illustrate Utah's support for the Wisconsin senator. The defeat of Elbert Thomas in 1950 dramatically epitomizes the successful use of incriminating allegations effectively employed by McCarthy. The election, or re-election, of McCarthy supporters and the defeat of at least one critic (Reva Beck Bosone) indicates voter sentiment. Finally, the apparent advocacy of numerous civic leaders for the senator's accomplishments and methods provided Utahns with ecclesiastical and social justification for his questionable exploits.

Abstract not available

This study analyzes the leadership qualities of Joseph McCarthy and the rhetorical qualities of agitative and control forces in a specific social movement. The methods used are founded upon various theories outlined by sociologists, historians, and rhetoricians. This investigation is organized around the climate of the times, McCarthy's leadership development, agitative strategies, control group responses, and support and opposition groups. It was found that the movement's success was probably due to McCarthy's position of attack and offense and to the control group's failure to neither strongly confront McCarthy nor to maintain its preparedness and superiority. It is theorized that had the control group engaged earlier in strategies other than adjustment and avoidance, the movement might have been halted sooner.

The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist. / This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--American University, 1963. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-166).

No description available.

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017 / This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa. / XL2018

This thesis explores new ideas for the foundations for state violence in Iraq by looking specifically at the outbreaks of spectacular violence during the Qasim Era (1958-1963). In order to frame the discussion, this study looks first at how the British established a model for state violence during the Monarchy period (1921-1958), which eventually both validated and radicalized the opposition parties. The second chapter examines the violence of the everyday in Iraq, and how the spectacular violence of the Qasim Era finds historical context within everyday violence and ritual. In the final chapter, this thesis discusses how the radicalized violence of the opposition parties melded with the violence of the everyday to create spectacular acts of ritualized violence. After the coup d’état of 8 February 1963, the Ba’ath Party institutionalized this radical new brand of violence, creating a foundation for the state violence to come under Saddam Hussein. This violence was experienced only by the Iraqi Communists at first, but was later experienced by the whole nation. / text

Zugl.: Diss. / Literaturverz. S. 183 - 189.

No abstract available / History / M.A.