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Thesis (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1988. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-144).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1988. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-144).

This dissertation examines the attempts of the African National Congress / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

This dissertation deals with the nature of the black middle-class assimilation in the South African suburban space, a space that was the sole preserve of the white middle-class during apartheid. It explores the relationship between these races as they come to meet in this space and what new identities are being formed. It also explores the relationship between both the black and white suburbanites and the urban poor who stay in an adjacent area to the suburb. The study uses the Beacon Bay area, which is constituted by one of East London’s most affluent suburbs and a poor township, Nompumelelo, to show how the emergent black middle-class has managed to enter this space in the post-apartheid era. Previous studies by Richard Ballard (2004) and Grant Saff (2001) have shown how the white middle-class has always been against any form of race or class mixing. Within the suburb, the new black suburbanites in Beacon Bay appear to have been welcomed but with conditions by their fellow white counterparts. The relationship between these two races does not stretch beyond meet and greets and it is only in the second generation black middle-class that you find better and non-superficial relations with fellow white suburbanites. In the older generation, the generation that experienced apartheid, the relationship between these two races has been that of tolerance and serious escape of contact unless when necessary. The children of both white and black families, though, have a far better relationship in school and in sport than their parents. This has created another area of contact for both these races and it bears potential for meaningful integration in the suburban space. Externally as it relates to relations between the black middle-class and the urban poor, the findings show that these new black suburbanites express a similar discomfort as the white suburbanites about the urban poor’s presence in the area. This shows that the evolution of the Beacon Bay suburb, with its deep-rooted discourse of white middle-class exclusivity, has not been entirely about hatred of the urban poor necessarily but about an identity ascription of what it means to live in a suburb. Despite these realities traditional ceremonies organised by the black middle-class in the suburbs and the church appear to be playing a role in creating relations between these suburbanites and the Nompumelelo residents. This is why we have decided to use the conceptualisation of the 18th century frontier zone as the borders of segregation within the suburb and between the suburban residents and those of the township can be crossed and re-crossed.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2017. / In 1994, South Africa became a more inclusive democratic state when Nelson Mandela became the first black president. This era marked a new course for a new democratic South Africa. The post-apartheid political dispensation has ushered in a prestigious opportunity for a newly democratic South Africa to reconnect with the other states in different multilateral institutions. The proliferation of Multilateralism as a strategy for states including South Africa has its merit and demerits. In this regard, South Africa has connected and reconnected with different multilateral institutions both regionally and globally. The following are some of the multilateral institutions that the country has connected and reconnected with in the aftermath of 1994. These institutions include the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa bloc (BRICS). In connection with these relations that the country has made thus far, there have been little studies that account and juxtapose the implications and significance of these relations for South Africa. In this regard, this study attempts to do an appraisal/assessment of the reliance, significance and implications for South Africa association to these multilateral organisations. The following questions were asked in the study: How has the international objectives of South Africa fared in her interactions with the UN (Agencies); How has South Africa’s regional economic interactions via the SADC and BRICS developed since 1994; To what extent has South Africa contributed to African Union since 1994 and has its membership impacted on the country’s other multilateral drives? In order to answer the aforementioned questions, a qualitative desktop based research methodology was employed using thematic and historical analysis of secondary data. Based on the extensive literature review and thematic analysis, the study found that as much as South Africa’s multilateralism promises great advantages than disadvantages, these relations requires caution as they are critical to the future of the economy of South Africa.

Student Number : 0419845J - MA research report - School of Arts - Faculty of Humanities / The aim of this research report is to explore the extent to which public art in postapartheid, democratic South Africa may contribute both to urban regeneration and nation building as well as the extent to which contemporary African monumental public art could reflect African heritage and traditions (Nettleton 2003:3). Another issue that is explored is the role of patronage in determining the function of public art in post-apartheid South Africa. Case studies in the form of two examples of post-apartheid public, namely the Freedom Park and the Constitution Hill projects art are used to explore the functions of public art in South Africa. In summary this research report therefore analyses: • The nature and function of public art-historical issues; • The practical issues affecting the production of public art in post-apartheid South Africa; • The socio-political factors that mitigate for or against the ability of public art to function effectively in the post-apartheid South African context; and • How these functions feed into the broader issues of making a contribution in a demographically complex, post-apartheid South Africa.

There is general consensus that the reorganisation of production and labour processes and shift in union ideological focus and growth of bureaucratic structures have resulted in the diminishing of a collective voice at most workplaces. This study explores the challenges facing shop stewards at the shop floor in their day to day activities in the aftermath of these changes and examines ways through which they get around them. The day to day activities of shop stewards is not a new phenomenon. However shop stewards have not been targeted as subject for study since democratisation. Where they were mentioned, it was mostly due to their involvement at the shop floor where they are required to carry the workers grievances to the management as well as explaining union standpoint to constituent. The study affirms arguments by previous researchers that shop stewards play a contradictory role, trying to satisfy the aspirations of the constituents who elected the stewards as well as management, the stewards’ pay master who expect the steward to be a social partner, though the relationship is highly unequal. The study noted that though they are social partners, management is insincere when it comes to work environment where it’s not meeting the minimum safety requirements. Moreover, union bureaucratic structures though they are meant to increase efficiency have wiped shop floor democracy since decisions are mostly handed down from the top, confirming the argument that as organisations grows bigger, they tend towards oligarchy. In-depth interviews were conducted at one plant in Wadeville and another on in Nigel local of NUMSA’s Ekurhuleni region. The interviews were complemented with documentary analysis as well as observation during shop steward council meetings.

The apparent complicity of South African Jews with apartheid rule is of social scientific interest in that it is unexpected. Pronounced left-liberalism is considered to be the default position of Jewish politics in Western societies. Yet in South Africa, while a small minority of Jews were conspicuous players in left-radicalism, the vast majority of Jews seem to have complied with the discriminations and injustices of apartheid. This thesis challenges the commonplace assumption that the political records of SA Jewry under apartheid refutes the oft-noted pattern of left-liberalism among modern Jews in the Diaspora. I argue that political actions do not necessarily reflect political values, especially under authoritarian regimes. Jews may strongly subscribe to liberal values, but, as a result of pressures both extrinsic and intrinsic to their particular communities, be less able or less willing to express these values in a politically overt manner than Jews elsewhere. I suggest that, in the South African case, voting patterns and official postures obscure rather a Jewish preference for liberal values. The Jewish community in SA while unusually cohesive was, like other Diaspora communities, not monolithic. The ???united front??? presented by the Jewish community in apartheid SA disguised a predictably diverse range of political opinion. It is appropriate that our quest to understand and explain political values goes beyond that which is openly expressed and peers into the shadows of political behaviour. The point is not to morally redeem the South African community, whose record, after all, may still be found wanting. Rather, it is to recognise that hidden in the official deliberations and directives, and in the domestic dilemmas and incidental actions of SA Jews, is the material from which we may form a fuller picture of SA Jewish political values. More generally the case highlights the complexity of studying, comparing, and generalising about political behaviour.