Aim: The aim of this thesis is to describe the process by which the inherited disease, cystic fibrosis, (CF) was recognised as an important clinical entity in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and the Sultanate of Oman (Oman). It examines the clinical presentation of the first patients and assesses their degree of severity. Further, it describes the first studies carried out to determine the underlying CF mutations associated with the disease in the UAE and Oman. An estimate is offered of the birth frequency of the condition. Overall, the cultural, geographical and historical aspect of the societies in which the disease occurs is stressed. Methods: An initial literature search was carried out using Medline of any literature pertaining to the Arab World and CF. this was read and classified into the relevance to Arabs in general, the Middle East and then specifically the Arab (Persian) Gulf societies. Thereafter, a clinic was established at Tawam Hospital, Al Ain, UAE, for children presenting With chronic respiratory disease that could serve as a national referral centre. It was run by the Author as a service of the Paediatric Department of the UAE University Medical School. I sent a letter to every Paediatrician working in the UAE informing them of our clinic and offering our services for the diagnosis and management of chronic respiratory disease in children. This was based on the author's experience as a respiratory paediatrician in Australia and New Zealand and as the Professor of Paediatrics in the UAE. No such service then existed in the UAE. Funding was sought to establish a research programme and develop a molecular genetics laboratory in the UAE Medical School. A series of successful research applications provided the grants to commence the investigations. Once a small number of children had been identified as having CF from those referred to the respiratory clinic, the initial project was to assess and report their clinical presentation. Following this an early start was made on the identification of the mutations responsible. Once these were established an attempt was made to estimate the frequency of the condition at birth. Additional clinical studies revolved around assessing the severity of the condition that was associated with the main mutations that were identified. A clinical comparison was made with those with the mutation AF508 and the other main mutation, despite the obvious limitation of small numbers then available. Radiological assessment was made to evaluate the progression of the disease. The final aspect of the study was to assess patients from Oman and compare their findings and mutations with the neighbouring UAE. Based on information gained hypotheses are proposed regarding the spread of the gene mutation by population drift. Thesis outline: A literature review is presented in the form of a critique on the disease and a resume of the relevant aspects of the genetics of CF. Additionally, facts about the two countries' geography and history are presented. Finally, knowledge about CF mutations and population origins from other areas is presented. The second main section deals with the clinical features of the disorder as it presents in the UAE. Molecular findings are then presented and details of the common mutation found in Bedouin Arabs. Hypotheses are then presented based on the information gathered. Results: CF is not a rare disease in the Arab children of the UAE and Oman. These findings refute previous reports of CF being a rare or non-existent disease in Arabs. The condition presents with a severe clinical picture, with early colonisation of the respiratory tract with staphylococcus, haemophilus and pseudomonas organisms, even with conventional CF management practices in place. The CF mutation S549R is prevalent in Arabs of Bedouin stock, while AF508 is found in those of Baluch origin. The former may be descendants of Arabs who left southern Arabia and travelled to the Trucial Coast at the time of the destruction of the great dam at Marib. The origins of this mutation may lie in the area that corresponds to the modern Republic of Yemen. The latter groups are descendants of those who came originally from Baluchistan. It is hypothesised also that the ancestral home of the AF508 mutation may be in the geographical area now known as Baluchistan, that spans three separate modern political territories. The evidence presented supports the concept that the S549R mutation may be associated with a severe, if not the severest, clinical pattern recognised. It equates with that seen with the homozygous AF508 genotype. The absence of an additional mutation in the promoter region accounts for the different clinical pattern seen in previously described patients. Conclusions: There needs to be a major awareness of the presence of CF as a severe clinical disease in the children of the Gulf States. The clinical presentation and findings support the concept of under recognition of the disease. Climatic conditions put the children at special risk of hyponatraemia and electrolyte imbalance. The absence of surviving adults with the disease suggests premature deaths have occurred, but the high fertility rates have maintained the gene pool for this recessive disorder.

No description available.

This thesis is an attempt to interpret the conception of authority that was predominant among the Central and Northern Arabs at the time immediately preceding the rise of Islam. Since that conception was not explicitly formulated, we have analyzed the role and influence of the different political and religious functionaries as well as the reactions of their "subjects" to their commands in order to discover the basis of legitimacy for that authority. As there exists an essential relationship between authority and society, we have presented the social and economic organization and the ideal values of the pre-Islamic Arabs which might have influenced their conception of authority. That is why we discuss the Bedouin and the urban settlements separately. As a possible origin and justification of authority, we discuss its connection with religion, in particular, whether in pre-Islamic times there ever existed a theocratic rulership. [...]

The objective of this thesis is to define how strong is the influence of investment and macroeconomic climate of Arab exporters on how countries of Gulf Cooperation Council treat their income from the export of hydrocarbons. I would like to answer the question whether they invest their funds in domestic economies or in markets in other part of the world. I will try to point out the weaknesses of the investment environment and opportunities for remedies, which would lead to the strengthening of internal and external balance and to increase in the competitiveness of the GCC countries in the global economy.

No description available.

The global climate is changing. Compared with many parts of the world, especially North America and Europe, relatively little is known about how climate has changed over the Arabian Peninsula (AP) in recent decades. Quantifying the climate change in the mean and extreme temperature and precipitation variables and understanding the mechanisms behind these changes are essential for establishing adequate and proper adaptation strategies to ensure sustainability, reduce vulnerability and safeguard livelihoods. Four papers in this thesis contribute to that objective, utilising a combination of in situ high quality meteorological station data and high resolution regional climate model data. The first paper quantifies the trends in monthly, seasonal and annual mean, maximum, minimum temperatures and Diurnal Temperature Range (DTR) variables and total precipitation. The station dataseries are tested for quality control and homogeneity. A non-parametric test is used to calculate the trends and evaluate the trend significance for individual stations, subregions (Non-monsoonal and Monsoonal) and for the whole area average. There is a high significant increase in the temperature variables especially the minimum temperature (during 1980-2008 and over all the AP the trend of annual minimum temperature is 0.55 °C decade^-1 while the annual maximum temperature trend is 0.32 °C decade^-1) which leads to significant decrease in the DTR. The precipitation is decline but insignificantly. The non-monsoonal region located north of 20° N has experienced higher rates of warming than the monsoonal region. Spring and summer seasons witness the highest significant warming. The interannual variability of the AP temperature and precipitation shows marked negative association after 1998. The second paper utilises the AP daily data of maximum temperature, minimum temperature and precipitation to calculate climate extremes indices, evaluate the regional/subregional trends of these indices and assess the trend significance. There is a clear significant decrease of cold temperature extremes and a significant increase in the warm temperature extremes. The increase in the nighttime temperature extremes is remarkable in the last two decades (the rate of increase of the warm night frequency is 3.6% decade^-1 during 1986-2008). The spatial trend patterns reveal a latitudinal distinction whereby the northern AP experiences an increase associated with day-time extremes while for the night-time extremes the trends are higher and significant for the southern region. Precipitation indices trends are weak and although they show general decrease in the last two decades they are insignificant. The changes in the Dew Point (Td) and the Mean Sea Level Pressure (MSLP) indicate possible changes in the regional dynamics. The third paper uses the Providing Regional Climates for Impact Studies (PRECIS) regional climate model forced by the European Centre for ERA-Interim re-analysis (ERA-Interim) to simulate the AP climate during 1990-2008. PRECIS simulation is validated based on climate mean and trends. The model simulation captures the mean climatic conditions and patterns, the increasing temperature tendency, as well as the decreasing precipitation observed in the last two decades. However, PRECIS has cold bias especially with the minimum temperature and it overestimates the precipitation over the high lands or regions close to them over the southwestern mountains and underestimates the precipitation over the southeastern mountains. The model products provide indications on the reasons behind the highest daytime spring warming (decrease of specific humidity) and significant nighttime summer warming (increase of Sea Surface Temperature (SST)). The model fails to simulate the recent increase of the nighttime temperature parameters over AP. The final paper addresses the possible local atmospheric circulations, SST and remote modes of variability associated with the recent AP climate extreme changes. Using the PRECIS simulation, composite difference maps for some surface, upper atmospheric circulation maps and SSTs between two period 1990-1997 and 1998-2008 have been calculated. The composite difference maps reveal significant local changes in these atmospheric and oceanic variables which possibly partly explain the recent regional warming and drying conditions during the last two decades. In addition, relationships of the regional/subregional extremes indices timeseries have been calculated with some known remote modes of variability. There is a clear, strong relation of El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) with the AP climate in all the seasons except in winter. The North Atlantic Caspian Sea Pattern (NCP) influences the regional climate in winter especially the temperature variables.

This thesis studies Turkish migration policies as an outcome of the interactions between the European Union, international organisations (UNHCR, IOM) and domestic migration governance. Counterbalancing a tendency in the literature to focus on external influences and specifically the EU's power over candidate countries, Turkish migration policy is seen to result from interrelationships between external and domestic actors that vary according to context of policy type, time and relative balance of power between the actors. Changes in international relations, Turkey's relationship with the EU, and internal to migration governance, can relativize the power asymmetry between EU and Turkey, leading to opportunities for domestic authorities to exert influence. The study has a comparative design across four cases of migration policy decision-making and by actor-type. This allows investigation of interrelations and an actor's efforts to exert influence relative to the others. A prominent policy is examined for each of the main four fields of Turkish migration policy: legislative reform (Law on Foreigners and International Protection), irregular migration (EU-Turkey readmission agreement), regular migration (adoption of the EU's visa lists) and asylum (removal of geographical limitation clause from the 1951 Refugee Convention). Document analysis is supplemented by original data from twenty-one semi-structured interviews, conducted with experts from Turkish Ministries, international organisations and the EU Commission. The main finding is that the degree of external influence over Turkish migration policy is contextually shaped, by time, the substance of a specific policy field, and most notably by the degree to which a policy field is politicised. EU influence is strongest when a policy field is politicised and driven by ‘conditionality'. International organisations are less influential actors but present in shaping more technocratic and less politicised policies through ‘social policy learning'. Turkish authorities exert clear agency and use international negotiations to gain leverage to advance domestic migration interests.

The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between a possible shortage of oil in Saudi Arabia and access to drinking water. The work is based on the hypothesis that in this area peak oil has taken place. Through method of disciplined interpretive study we focus on the influence of both sources in Saudi Arabia from the theory of sustainable development and conclusion are dealing with a scenario of possible solutions.

In early 2001, as I began exploring the role of religion in conflict, I came across a declaration by a then little-known leader, Osama bin Laden, and his fellows. That declaration was of the World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders. Many analysts now see it as one of the founding documents of al Qaeda, the amorphous terrorist umbrella group. The purpose of the declaration was to issue a fatwa that, because United States troops were stationed in the holy Arabian peninsula and threatened Muslims, particularly in Iraq, it was every Muslim's duty 'to kill the Americans and their allies - civilians and military - ... in any country in which it is possible to do it'. Of course, the first thing that struck me, as an American, was that here was a group that wished to kill me solely because of my birthplace. They did not seem to care that I might not support specific actions of my government, even if I supported that government generally. Nor was there any discussion of whether methods other than violence might be more useful in persuading my fellow citizens as to the justice of their cause. I wondered, as a student of peace studies, what I could do in the face of such seemingly implacable hatred. The second thing that struck me about the declaration was its language. I noticed, in particular, a certain flourish that one does not often find in political analysis. The image that 'nations are attacking Muslims like people fighting over a plate of food' has always stayed in my mind because the simple image has such rhetorical power. I also noticed, in accordance with my research interests, the use of religious teachings as a justification for violence. Yet poetic rhetoric and religious dogma were not the only contents of that declaration. Bin Laden and his fellows made coherent political points. They cited as examples of the harm caused by the United States: the post-Gulf War presence of US troops in Saudi Arabia, 'dictating to its rulers [and] humiliating its people;' the continued bombing of Iraq 'even though all [Saudi] rulers are against their territories being used to that end;' and, finally, the way that these actions contributed to the security of Israel by weakening Arab nations. Thus, beneath its religious expression the declaration contained political points with which I could engage. Now, as I categorically oppose the use of violence, I unreservedly reject the conclusion of the fatwa. Moreover, I do not assume that a single statement is evidence of this group's true intent. It may very well be the case, as analysts more versed in their politics than I have argued, that al Qaeda's real goal is the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. Its affiliation with Afghanistan's Taliban certainly supports this argument. In spite of these things, though, their use of political arguments meant they were trying to reach an audience that cared about such things. I could address that audience as well, and try to propose different courses of action that would address the same concerns. Thus, I could step outside of my original framework, in which I envisioned implacable hatred, and argue for nonviolent ways of addressing the issues. Yet the religious idiom of the declaration was also an important factor. Given that the declaration addressed Muslims as Muslims, by only trying to argue political points with them I might alienate people for whom the religious language meant a great deal. Already in my research I had come to the conclusion, drawing on R. Scott Appleby's The Ambivalence of the Sacred, that the people best placed to show the peaceful potential of a religion are believers in that religion. I am not, however, religious. Thus, this conclusion left me with no recourse in the face of the religious aspects of conflict. I began to wonder what role a nonreligious - or, as I came to think of myself, a secular - person could play in peacemaking when religion is an element of a conflict. Moreover, I saw that different seculars would have different reactions to bin Laden's arguments. Some would reject the message because of the religious medium. Some, like I first did, would perceive the sociopolitical elements but continue to ignore the religious language. Others, as I also briefly did, might consider the religious element but leave out the issue of their own secular nature. Yet no perspective provided a good model for what I, as a secular, might do. Thus, the goal of my thesis became to analyze the various models of secularity, find the most beneficial principles, and construct from these a model for secular best practice. That Osama bin Laden's words should catalyze this thesis brings me to two important points. First, this is not a thesis about Islam. If a disproportionate number of the examples that I use throughout the thesis focus on Islam, this should not indicate that Islam deserves special attention concerning conflict and violence. Rather, the focus here is always on secularity and secular responses to religion in situations of conflict. However, particularly after September 11th, the largely secular policy and scholarly establishments of Europe and North America have produced a great deal of material concerning Islam. Thus, while I sought out more diverse sources dealing with secularity, I often used the religion most commented on by secular sources as an exemplar. That leads to the second point, which is that this is not a thesis about terrorism. Given its scope and the place of religion in it, most obvious case study to use in this thesis is the 'war on terror' - which I call such for ease of use, as that is what the Western media generally call it, not because I think it is an adequate designation. I will cover this topic in the final chapter, but because the thesis is about peace and violence in conflict, and not about specific forms of violence, it will not figure elsewhere. Because this thesis is concerned with violence and, specifically, with the promotion of peace, it has an overt prescriptive element. This stems in large part from my Peace Studies background. Peace Studies entails a normative commitment to pursue peaceful situations through nonviolent means. Thus, at several points I actively enjoin readers to take or not take certain types of action because, by my analysis, that is the best way to promote peaceful relationships. More generally, by the title of this thesis, I ask readers to 'rethink secular and sacred' - both what these terms mean, and more importantly how they relate to one another. In particular, this goal leads me to avoid discussing the concept of tolerance. Tolerance is often held to be a virtue by those who seek to promote nonconfrontational religious interaction. However, as many other writers have pointed out, the word 'tolerance' itself stems from physiological and biological studies, where it means the ability to withstand negative factors, such as poisons or drugs. Thus I find that its social meaning is essentially negative, denoting forbearance of what one finds repugnant. While in a very limited sense I feel that tolerance is necessary, it is only as a first step to actively engaging with what one might at first find off-putting.

Note: / As a result of its military campaigns for religious and political reform during the latter half ot the eighteenth century, the Su'udi principality at the al-Dir'iyah developed into a powerful state. It first brought the districts of central Arabia under its control and later annexed the region of al-Hasa. [...]