Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1984. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 343-361).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1984. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 343-361).

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The UAE is a small capital-rich country short in indigenous manpower, both skilled and unskilled. However, it has an unlimited supply of foreign manpower. Indigenes constitute about a fourth of the population, one tenth of the total workforce, but only 2% of the industrial workforce. Industrialization is the main avenue for development and in the post-oil era various public sector projects have been set up including oil refineries, gas liquefaction plants, a fertilizer plant, an aluminium smelter and cement factories, as well as smaller private sector factories for building materials, consumer and food products, etc. Industries suffer from local competition due to duplication of projects caused by lack of co-ordination between the emirates and from foreign competition due to lack of protection since the State has a free trade policy. Although industries do not suffer from manpower shortages, the lack of indigenous skilled manpower is a national problem since the industrial sector is controlled by foreigners. Xoreover, one of the aims of industrialization should be the development of a skilled national workforce that can generate the national income after the oil is exhausted. The rapid expansion in education has been with little planning. There has also been little economic and work-market planning and no co-ordination with educational planning. Government guarantees jobs to uni versi ty graduates at above market wages as a welfare-oriented oil income distribution policy. Therefore, local graduates avoid working for industry, particularly the private sector. There are only 3 industrial schools and industrial students equal 2% of general secondary education students. Furthermore, industrial school graduates work mainly for employers s~ch as the police and army and often not in their specialiZations. The UAE has thus failed to develop productive human resources and to benefit from its industrial education which is more expensive than general education.

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This present thesis seeks to account for the UAE's remarkable socio-economic development path while also attempting to explain the survival of the state's seemingly anachronistic political structures. In doing so, the thesis proceeds to set up a multi-layered framework drawing upon and reconciling elements of the two major schools of development theory. Specifically, a dependency analysis is used to demonstrate the UAE's inherited situation, including the region's historic peripheralisation, its early rentier structures, and the external reinforcement of a client elite; while a combination of rentier-dependency models and revised modernisation theories are used to illustrate the way in which the UAE's contemporary monarchies have managed to consolidate their position and secure considerable political stability, which is itself an important prerequisite of the modernisation process. With regard to the recent attempts of these 'modernising monarchies' to improve die more negative aspects of their dependency situation, it is shown that while there have been successes there have also been serious development pathologies, and in many ways these must be regarded as the hidden costs of escaping the inevitability of early modernisation predictions and the demise of tradition. Essentially, viewed within a Weberian variant of modernisation theory, the strengthening of the structures which allowed for the stability in the first place can in many cases be seen to have gone too far and has now made legal-rational objectives difficult to achieve. Finally, however, it is suggested that greater modernisation, especially in the form of positive globalising forces, may still provide solutions for these problems. Indeed, while die first wave of globalisation may have reinforced entrenched dependency structures, there are nevertheless clear indications that something of a second wave may well lead to liberalising reforms, a more diversified economy, and a stronger civil society.