Ng Hoi Lam. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-149). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ix / Acknowledgments --- p.xi / List of Abbreviations，Tables and Figures --- p.xii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Summit in Sino-American relations --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Magic Figure --- p.1 / Chapter - --- 30th Anniversary of Rapprochement between the US and China / Chapter 1.2 --- Puzzle --- p.3 / Chapter - --- The Central question / Chapter 1.3 --- Layout --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Argument --- p.6 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Linking the internal politics to decision-making process of foreign policy Rational model VS Power model in High politics --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- What is a Summit? --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- Who is/ are the person(s) in-charge of foreign policy making process? --- p.11 / Chapter 2.3 --- Foreign Policy decision making model(s) / Chapter - --- Rationality model VS Power model --- p.16 / Chapter 2.4 --- Linking internal and external politics / Chapter - --- Two-level game instead of realism --- p.21 / Chapter 2.5 --- Value of summitry --- p.25 / Chapter - --- A photo-taking arena / Chapter - --- Symbolism or substance? / Chapter 2.6 --- Summitry in APEC --- p.32 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology & Theoretical Framework: Summitry for settling legitimacy dilemma by two-level game --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- Focusing the subject --- p.34 / Chapter 3.2 --- Research Method and Data --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3 --- Nature of Sino-American relations --- p.39 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summitry under two-level game --- p.47 / Chapter 3.5 --- Pattern in APEC summits --- p.53 / Chapter 3.6 --- "Modeling in 3 'I's´ؤInternational, internal and individual" --- p.55 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- A Year of Presidential Elections: The case of 1996 --- p.61 / Chapter 4.1 --- Manila APEC --- p.61 / Chapter 4.2 --- Jiang's Taiwan Policy / Chapter - --- How did the 'Eight Points' work under internal politics --- p.62 / Behind the Third Strait Crisis / Repeating the same old tune / Chapter 4.3 --- Full embracement after APEC --- p.75 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- After Honeymoon Years: The case of 1999 --- p.78 / Chapter 5.1 --- Auckland APEC --- p.78 / Conflicts after the honeymoon: Old bottle with new wine / Chapter 5.2 --- Three Crises --- p.84 / A huge mistake´ؤupon mismatched timing / Missile on the Embassy / """Special State-to-State relationship""" / Chapter 5.3 --- """2As"" meetings´ؤplatform for saving face" --- p.90 / Chapter 5.4 --- Re-opening dialogue on WTO deals --- p.93 / Diplomat dead but diplomacy alive / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Starting a new Emperor: The case of 2001 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1 --- Shanghai APEC --- p.99 / New doctrine: A potential enemy or ally? / Chapter 6.2 --- Conflicts again --- p.101 / Fool's Day joke / The art of apology´ؤnegotiation involved / "Taiwan and Tibet´ؤ“internal affairs""" / Chapter 6.3 --- Warming in relation --- p.109 / Ardent summer / "Death of asylum, birth of hamlet" / Green House in Winter / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion´ؤJiang's 'Core' Consideration --- p.118 / Chapter 7.1 --- Era unlike Mao and Deng --- p.118 / Chapter 7.2 --- Lesson for Policy makers --- p.120 / Chapter 7.3 --- Contributions/ Implications --- p.122 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitation --- p.123 / Appendix I Chronology --- p.125 / Append ix II Pew Research Center of People and the Press --- p.136 / Bibliography --- p.137

Thesis (M.A.)--Saint Mary's University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [133]-139).

by Wong Tze-Kin. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i / ABSTRACTS --- p.ii / LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix / ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x / Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION / CHAPTER / Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12 / Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14 / Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16 / Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20 / Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22 / Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37 / Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39 / Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC" / Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40 / Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.43 / Chapter 3.2 --- Interests of Founding Members in the Formation of APEC --- p.46 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Australia: an Endeavor from a Middle-Power --- p.46 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Japan: Easing Trade Tensions and Sustaining Growth Momentum --- p.48 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- The United States: Engagement and Economic Benefits --- p.51 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- ASEAN: Changing Environment and Cautious Participation --- p.54 / Chapter 3.3 --- Concluding Remarks: Initial Demands on APEC --- p.57 / Chapter PART THREE: --- CHALLENGES OF COOPERATION AND DIVERGENT PREFERENCES OF THE MEMBERS / Chapter IV. --- FORMATION OF REGIONAL GROUPS AND POLITICO-STRATEGIC INTERDEPENDENCE --- p.60 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.60 / Chapter 4.2 --- "The Participation of China, Taiwan and Hong Kong" --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3 --- The East Asia Economic Caucus (EAEC): Dividing the Asia-Pacific? --- p.66 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- "Malaysia's Proposal for an ""Asian-only"" Core" --- p.67 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Responses of Major Actors --- p.69 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- Nesting of Issues and the Importance of U.S. Engagement --- p.76 / Chapter 4.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.79 / Chapter V. --- THE INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF APEC AND THE PROVISION OF INFORMATION --- p.82 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2 --- Structure of APEC and Facilitation of Communication --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Meetings and Working Groups --- p.84 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- The APEC Secretariat --- p.85 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Advisory and Research Bodies --- p.86 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- The Regime Function of APEC: Provision of Information --- p.88 / Chapter 5.3 --- Controversies in the Institutional Development of APEC --- p.90 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Nature of APEC: Consultative Forum vs. Negotiating Forum --- p.91 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Decision-making Process in APEC: a Case Study of the Indonesian Meeting --- p.94 / Chapter 5.4 --- Concluding Remarks: the Choice of APEC Model --- p.97 / Chapter VI. --- POLITICS OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION: VISION AND TIME-FRAME --- p.102 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.102 / Chapter 6.2 --- The Initial Thrust of the First EPG Report (1993) --- p.103 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Open-Regionalism: From PECC to APEC --- p.104 / Chapter 6.3 --- The Turning Point of APEC: the 1994 Bogor Declaration of Common Resolve --- p.106 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- The Second EPG Report --- p.107 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- Reactions and Considerations of Major APEC Members --- p.107 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- Implications of the Trade Liberalization Program --- p.117 / Chapter 6.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.121 / Chapter VII. --- POLITICS OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION: IMPLEMENTATION --- p.123 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.123 / Chapter 7.2 --- Non-Discrimination --- p.125 / Chapter 7.3 --- Comprehensiveness --- p.130 / Chapter 7.4 --- Comparability --- p.135 / Chapter 7.5 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.139 / Chapter VIII. --- CONCLUSION --- p.142 / Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.142 / Chapter 8.2 --- Findings --- p.144 / Chapter 8.2.1 --- Values of APEC to Developed Economies --- p.148 / Chapter 8.2.2 --- Values of APEC to Developing Economies --- p.150 / Chapter 8.2.3 --- Theoretical Functions Performed by APEC --- p.152 / Chapter 8.3 --- A Theoretical Discussion on APEC --- p.155 / Chapter 8.3.1 --- "The Significance of ""Open Regionalism""" --- p.155 / Chapter 8.3.2 --- Theories of International Regimes --- p.157 / Chapter 8.4 --- "Limitations of this Thesis and Some Reflections from the ""Asian Financial Turbulence""" --- p.159 / APPENDICES / Chapter a. --- "A Brief Chronology of Related Events, 1989-1995" --- p.162 / Chapter b. --- The Structure of APEC (1995) --- p.165 / Chapter c. --- Seoul APEC Declaration --- p.166 / Chapter d. --- Guide to the Osaka Action Agenda --- p.169 / NOTES --- p.170 / SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.191

Thesis (PhDBusinessandManagement)--University of South Australia, 2003.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Ottawa, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 283-306).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 15, 2007) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.

This study applies Deutsch’s security community framework to the states of Southeast Asia in order to assess whether or not, as at September 2002, there exist dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study has three primary goals. The first is to develop the framework so it may better reflect the realities of interstate and communal relations in Southeast Asia. The second is to assess whether or not Southeast Asia has in fact moved beyond the construction of a nascent security community where there exists adequate empirical evidence to suggest a future sustainable course towards ‘dependable expectations of peaceful change’. The third seeks to analyse the potential for Southeast Asia, as a community of states, to evolve to the higher tiers of integration and be characterised as a mature security community, where disputes between states and state-elites will be resolved without recourse to violence. In investigating these tasks, the dissertation considers a broad range of issues, including (but not limited to): the multilateral security frameworks embracing the region; the impact of ethnic and religious tensions as well as non-traditional security issues (with a focus here on narcotics and piracy); and the impact of terrorism and the recent economic crisis on the normative behaviours and ideologies of state elites throughout the region. It is found that while a substantial degree of interaction, integration and cooperation has developed in Southeast Asia, these developments have been insufficient to alleviate a number of traditional security issues and tensions (such as border and territorial conflicts). Consequently, there exists only a transient sense of expectations of peaceful change throughout Southeast Asia and this level of integration is characterised by the dissertation to represent nothing more than the embryonic phase of a security community’s evolution.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Western Michigan University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-178).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Temple University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-102).