Spelling suggestions: "subject:"asia pacific aneconomic cooperation"" "subject:"asia pacific aneconomic coooperation""
11 |
The construction of regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific and East Asia origins, motives, and evolution /Komori, Yasumasa. January 2007 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pittsburgh, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-344).
|
12 |
The role of regional economic agreements in marine resource conservationCid, Gonzalo A. January 2004 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Delaware, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-243).
|
13 |
Social clause in trade liberalization : an agenda for the Philippines in APECAmba-Cuenca, Maria Dulce Cecilia B. 11 1900 (has links)
The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the
signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism,
and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and
the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a
consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach.
This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively
participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor
rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is
more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and
therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member
economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character
of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an
opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society
and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues
in the countries' individual commitments.
This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the
Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy.
The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental
problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for
they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of
corruption and exploitation of human resource.
The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade
liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral
initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the
government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures.
The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal
trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar
rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an
alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed
and considered in a regional trade forum.
The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the
human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need
to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical
approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that
there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs),
private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC
process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate
|
14 |
A feminist analysis of gender mainstreaming : a case study of the Women Leaders' Network and the integration of gender in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation /Novales, Elizabeth January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-105). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.
|
15 |
Building the Asia-Pacific Japanese and U.S. foreign policy toward the creation of regional institutions, 1988-1994 /Ashizawa, Kuniko P. January 2005 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 417-443).
|
16 |
亞太經濟合作(APEC)架構下推動區域經濟整合途徑之研究 / A Study of the Ways Toward Regional Economic Integration in APEC Architecture陳郁淇, CHEN, Yu Chi Unknown Date (has links)
素有經貿聯合國之稱的世界貿易組織自2001年起推動的杜哈回合談判,歷經13年的談判僅於2013年12月達成小部分的早期收穫,如此緩速的進展,使得各國紛紛轉向較小規模,較快完成的區域貿易協定,亞太地區國家也積極的參與其中。亞太經濟合作(APEC)為亞太地區唯一的經貿相關跨政府論壇,亦關注到此發展趨勢。自2004年起經由企業家代表組成的企業諮詢委員會提案成立亞太自由貿易區,至2007年正式進入APEC的議程,但推動的過程並不順遂,美國遂轉向發展太平洋夥伴協定,東協國家專注於區域全面經濟夥伴協定,拉美會員體形成太平洋聯盟,APEC則發展出區域經濟整合議程並同時推動著亞太自由貿易區,後者雖然推動力道薄弱,但卻未消失在議程中。直至2010年及2014年在日本及中國大陸的主辦優勢下,將亞太自由貿易區定調為全面高品質的自由貿易協定,為APEC達成茂物目標的主要工具之一,而達成的途徑則是以現有的區域間發展的經濟整合機制為主,另外區域經濟整合議程採取部門別議題別的方式進行,也是朝著茂物目標邁進。
本研究從APEC的本質、原則及精神逐步探討至亞太自由貿易區及區域經濟整合議程兩個途徑的可能走向及發展限制等。對於採取條約式具約束性的亞太自由貿易區而言,獨自進行談判的機率極低,最可能透過太平洋夥伴協定擴大而成。而區域經濟整合議程則是便捷化的成果大於自由化,透過降低供應鏈障礙或通關經商便捷措施,亦可節省交易成本,應加以廣化及深化。我國在兩個途徑的參與上,在亞太自由貿易區的成型過程應完全參與,以避免我國被排除在外的可能性,至於區域經濟整合議程,則應加強在會務運作及貿易暨投資委員會及所屬次級論壇的力道,方能妥善運用我國少數擁有正式會籍的國際經貿組織為我國融入區域經濟創造有利的條件。 / The Doha Development Agenda (DDA) gained little progress by the WTO since 2001. Many countries including those in the Asia Pacific area changed their policy and decided to join themselves in free trade agreements (agreements which were smaller scale and faster to complete) in comparison with the DDA. Upon noticing this trend by APEC, the establishment of Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) was proposed in 2004 by the APEC Business Advisory Council. It became one of the topics in the APEC agenda in 2007. However, the progress of FTAAP was not as expected, members in APEC had their own focus thereafter. The United States focused on the Tras-Pacific Partership (TPP), ASEAN members developed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and members in Latin America targeted on Pacific Alliance. Within APEC, the discussion of FTAAP till now has reached a consensus on the definition as a high quality and comprehensive trade agreement, that builds on the sub-regional trade agreement. Besides, there is another topic as regional economic integration agenda (REI agenda) which is subject oriented and non-binding to APEC members. Both FTAAP and REI agenda are ways for the realization of Bogor Goals.
This study starts from the APEC content, principles and visions to the possible directions and restrictions of the development of the FTAAP and REI agenda. With regard to FTAAP, it's rule-based and it has little possibility to launch negotiations in a short term, and it could be accomplished by the expansion of TPP. In regard to the REI agenda, the accomplishment of facilitation is more important than liberalization. It should deepen and broaden the trade facilitation measures, such as supply-chain connectivity, customs procedures, transparency...etc.
Finally the suggestions for Taiwan's participation in those two areas are as follows. To participate fully in the activity and the realization of FTAAP, this will avoid the possibility to be excluded from the FTAAP. Taiwan should invest a bigger effort in the Committee of Trade and Investment, its sub-flora and the meeting operation. We should make good use of APEC considering is one of the few international organizations Taiwan possesses full membership of to create a positive environment that will enable us in the economic integration.
|
Page generated in 0.1255 seconds