This study investigated the impact of victim provocativeness and rape history upon male and female subjects' perceptions of attribution of blame toward the rape victim. One hundred and forty-four subjects (a) read one of 12 fictional case reports of a rape incident from a sexual abuse center which systematically varied level of victim provocativeness and rape history and (b) completed a nine-item Rape Questionnaire (RQ). Data were analyzed by a 2 (subject's sex) x 3 (level of provocativeness) x 2 (rape history) analysis of variance on the Rape Questionnaire total score. An ancillary multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA) was also performed on the nine Rape Questionnaire items to check for potential masking of individual item differences from the Rape Questionnaire score. In addition, the data were reanalyzed in the 2 x 3 x 2 design by substituting high versus low scorers on the Attitudes Towards Women Scale (AWS) based upon median splits of the AWS for subject sex. The 2 (subject sex) x 3 (provocativeness) x 2 (rape history) MANOVA resulted in a sex by provocativeness interaction with males, relative to females, attributing more blame as the victim's level of provocativeness increased. In addition, significant differences emerged for provocativeness, rape history, and sex of subject. In general, subjects attributed more blame as the victim's provocativeness increased. Similarly, victims with rape histories were assigned more blame than victims without rape histories. The 2 (AWS) x 3 (provocativeness) x 2 (rape history) MANOVA resulted in a main effect for all three independent variables. In general subjects attributed more blame as the victim's provocativeness increased. Also victims with rape histories were assigned more blame than victims without rape histories. Finally, profeminist individuals attributed less blame to the victim than did traditional individuals. Implications for training of professional counselors and other service-providers are discussed. Future research directions are also noted.

Rape is a highly prevalent crime, and it is one of the most severe traumatic events experienced by women. Previous researchers have found that, unlike other crimes, blame attribution in rape cases is inconsistent and influenced by many external elements (Bieneck & Krahe, 2011; Grubb & Turner, 2012; Masser, Lee, & McKimmie, 2010; Stewart & Jacquin, 2010). In this study, the influence of willing substance use and race on attribution of blame from a sample of 316 undergraduate students attending a large, Southeastern, public, urban university was examined. More specifically, results from this investigation described how the type of substance (alcohol, marijuana, and heroin) consumed by female survivors and survivors’ race/ethnicity (Black, Hispanic, and White) influenced the level of blame assigned to them. Additionally, the researcher explored the interactive effect of the drug type and survivors’ race. The results of the analysis of variance (ANOVA) revealed that both survivors’ substance use and race significantly influenced blame attribution. Survivors who consumed alcohol prior to the assault were blamed more than survivors who used heroin or marijuana and survivors who did not consume any substances. Regarding the influence of survivors’ race/ethnicity, White female survivors were attributed significantly higher levels of blame than Black and Hispanic female survivors. In addition to the examined conditions of substance use and race/ethnicity, the results of this study indicated that observers’ demographic characteristics influenced blame attribution as well. Observers’ gender, race, and knowledge of a person who has survived rape were all significant factors effecting attribution of blame.

The research literature contains a significant amount of information on the psychological health of managers, however, relatively little has been written about the psychological health of workers. There has been a long held assumption that there is little difference in the psychological health of workers and managers. This study challenges that assumption and investigates differences in psychological health that appertain to job role and job characteristics determined by job role. This study tested two related hypotheses, firstly, that 'managers have significantly better psychological health than workers'; secondly, that 'that better psychological health was largely due to the increased self esteem that comes from having a more socially desirable role'. Initial analyses of the data indicated that hypothesis 1 was upheld, but when split by sex hypothesis 1 was only upheld for females and not males; similarly hypothesis 2 was only upheld for females. This result was attributed to the influence of two variables, the 'attribution of blame' and 'need for external validation', and the different moderator and mediator roles they play for males and females. The study contradicts the assertion that the psychological health of workers and managers is similar, if not the same, and uses the differences found to explain why research in this field has often produced conflicting results. Areas of potential future research are indicated.

The research literature contains a significant amount of information on the psychological health of managers, however, relatively little has been written about the psychological health of workers. There has been a long held assumption that there is little difference in the psychological health of workers and managers. This study challenges that assumption and investigates differences in psychological health that appertain to job role and job characteristics determined by job role. This study tested two related hypotheses, firstly, that `managers have significantly better psychological health than workers¿; secondly, that `that better psychological health was largely due to the increased self esteem that comes from having a more socially desirable role¿. Initial analyses of the data indicated that hypothesis 1 was upheld, but when split by sex hypothesis 1 was only upheld for females and not males; similarly hypothesis 2 was only upheld for females. This result was attributed to the influence of two variables, the `attribution of blame¿ and `need for external validation¿, and the different moderator and mediator roles they play for males and females. The study contradicts the assertion that the psychological health of workers and managers is similar, if not the same, and uses the differences found to explain why research in this field has often produced conflicting results. Areas of potential future research are indicated.