In Michigan and Ontario, the “green economy” has been touted by government as a “win-win” solution to reducing greenhouse gasses and replacing thousands of manufacturing jobs lost before and during the global financial crisis. Some scholars, however, argue that despite economic and climate crises, there is little new about the policies being rolled out in advanced industrialized states; instead, political elites adopted business-as-usual policies after 2009 that offer little hope for greater social, economic, or ecological sustainability. In this green “publicity state”, political elites engage as much, if not more, in the politics of environmental discourse than in policymaking for a greener, more sustainable society. This thesis thus explored the research questions: To what extent have policymakers in Ontario and Michigan evoked argumentative imperatives that neoliberal policies are the way to create green jobs, increase socio-economic equality, and/or halt climate change? To what degree can policies in Ontario and Michigan be classified as ‘sustainable’? Does the policy rhetoric match the policy reality? In what similar and different ways do public policies get framed, communicated, and constrained by underlying neoliberal understandings of the economy and state that then limit the policy options that governments see as possible? In what ways does this contribute to the naturalization of green neoliberalism? To answer these questions, we examined the public policies and political rhetoric of renewable energy in Michigan and Ontario under the administration of Governors Jennifer Granholm and Rick Snyder, and the Ontario Liberal government of Premier Dalton McGuinty between 2007 and 2012. The theoretical framework for this paper was constructed using Gramscian and critical discourse theories which maintain that ideological and economic hegemony manifests, and is constantly being reproduced, through political discourse. First, we conducted a comparative analysis of green economy policies, as well as a sample of additional social, economic, and fiscal policies that could contribute to greater or less sustainability in the two jurisdictions. These were then categorized according to a typology of green economy imaginaries. Second, Michigan State of the State speeches and radio addresses, and Ontario Budget speeches and Speeches from the Throne delivered during the period of study were analyzed using Fairclough and Fairclough’s (2012) critical discourse analysis for political argument. It was found that political elites construct imaginaries of the green economy using various argumentative claims in ways that often do not coincide with policies and/or policy outcomes. In this study, Granholm and McGuinty often used argumentative claims around renewable energy in ways that naturalize green neoliberal approach to sustainability, while greenwashing less ‘green’ policies; take credit for making their jurisdiction ‘greener’; deflect and assign blame for a shrinking economy; and position the green economy as a ‘win-win’ to unemployment and/or climate change. Despite labelling himself a “good, green Republican”, Governor Snyder did not engage in green economy policymaking or framing, instead pursuing a ‘classic’ neoliberal policy agenda. Furthermore, the arguments political elites are further constrained by both the existing economic regime and political institutions: a premier in a majority government has significantly more power to make bold argumentative claims and introduce policies than a state governor. This is evident in the fact that although their rhetoric around the green economy as a means to increasing jobs was similar, McGuinty was able to also frame the green economy as a means to reducing greenhouse gasses and introduce a bolder piece of renewable energy legislation than Granholm. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The “green economy” has become a popular idea over the last decade. The green economy is a term that refers to expanding the renewable energy industry including solar, wind, and hydro energy, as well as energy retrofitting of existing buildings and the electric car industry. Political leaders argue that by growing the green economy, we can create thousands of good jobs and reduce climate change. But the green economy is not necessarily sustainable. This is partly because “sustainable development” is not a matter of just making the economy stronger at any cost, with a potential added benefit of reducing climate change. Sustainable development means that less people live in poverty, different cultures are protected, and the environment is preserved in ways that it can meet the needs of every generation of future human beings. It also means that climate change must become a priority for government over economic growth, and that technology is not the solution to every environmental problem. However, even after all the social and economic problems that became worse during and after the Great Recession in 2008-2009, the green economy is being designed using the same kinds of policies that emphasize what business wants rather than is needed to halt climate change and reduce poverty. How then are leaders able to make this kind of green economy seem like a new, great idea? Is this green economy actually sustainable? This thesis examined these basic questions by comparing policies introduced in the Province of Ontario and the State of Michigan for growing a renewable energy industry, as well as policies that could lead to greater or less sustainability. We put these various policies into categories to ‘measure’ how sustainable they are. Then we examined the arguments made by political leaders in Ontario and Michigan to see how they framed the green economy to make it seem like common sense for a better, more sustainable future. We found that although renewable energy can lead to more sustainability by reducing the greenhouse gasses we produce, the policies introduced by leaders between 2007 and 2012 emphasized meeting the needs of business rather than the needs of the environment or the poor. And these are in fact the kinds of policies that governments used before the Great Recession – policies that made society worse off for the last 30 years – so there is nothing new about them, even if there are a little bit ‘greener’. We also found that Governor Jennifer Granholm and Premier McGuinty made very similar arguments about the benefits of the green economy, while at the same time minimizing the downsides of their business- focused approach. Governor Rick Snyder, also of Michigan, has had no interest in the green economy, and has emphasized business policies almost entirely. Though Granholm and McGuinty had similar arguments and visions for their green economy by building a renewable energy sector, the premier was able to make arguments that the green economy was necessary for climate change, and he was able to introduce stronger policies against climate change, like shutting down all of Ontario’s coal plants. This is because premiers have more institutional power than governors. It is also interesting that even though McGuinty had more power than the governors, he still chose many of the same policies as Governor Snyder.

The purpose of this study is to explore care in Ontario, Canada from the perspective of patients. I took on the roles of both a patient and a researcher, exploring the current state of care as a patient who has navigated the health system and as a researcher with background in disability studies and social geography. I use feminist auto/ethnographic methods, including observation and fieldnotes, journaling, memory, and notes in my patient records as data. I also conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with seven individuals who underwent hip or knee replacement surgery and two family members who provided informal care to individuals post-operatively. I have organized data using three storylines: being patient, negotiating care, and mending fault lines. There are two layers of my analysis: our individual encounters with carers alongside our changing embodiment and the broader care relations of the system, increasingly influenced by neoliberalism. Care is increasingly informalized and commodified as austerity measures cut public financing for care and services are de-listed. Neoliberalism produces poor and precarious working conditions for nurses and personal support workers and this translates into insufficient care for patients and support for families. With care increasingly being shifted to the home and community, individuals and families are taking on more responsibility in terms of caring for family members. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In this study I explore care in Ontario, Canada both as a patient and as a researcher with background in disability studies and social geography. I observed care and recorded fieldnotes as a patient researcher over thirty-two months and interviewed a total of nine people who underwent hip or knee replacement surgery about their experiences of care pre and post-operatively. Two daughters of participants also took part in interviews. I explore our individual stories of care and how the broader health system helps to shape our encounters with health care workers. Government reductions in funding for care and the de-listing of services translates into poor working conditions for health care workers and insufficient care for patients. The responsibility for care is increasingly being shifted from the state to individuals. My research reveals how patients manage within this fragmented system made up of formal, informal, and private care arrangements.

Current political rhetoric and some media commentaries suggest there is a yawning gap of understanding between policymakers and the reality of families living in poverty in 21st century Britain. A key reason identified for the disconnect between policymakers and families is the absence of the voices of the families in public discourse. In this paper accounts of the lived experiences of parents in poverty are examined in four UK qualitative studies published in the period 1998-2016. Their accounts highlight how problems of disadvantage can be cumulative, compounding and enduring. The struggle to provide the basics of family life and the role of supportive communities and relationships are explored. The impact on parents of financial stress, the sense of shame and stigma often experienced and the consequences for their physical and mental health are highlighted. Under the government’s austerity policy, there is an increase in poverty even in working families, an increase in homelessness and considerable evidence emerging on the damaging consequences of food and fuel poverty on the health of children and parents. Listening to the lived realities of individual families provides a much greater understanding of family poverty and its causes and consequences, provides a corrective to the critical pejorative rhetoric and lays the foundation for the provision of appropriate government support.

Yes / Many children caring for ill or disabled family members remain ‘hidden’ and ‘invisible’ in our communities. This study is the first to explore patterns of change, over time and throughout austerity, for children with caregiving roles to better understand how their lives differ from those of their non-caregiving peers. A survey of 2154 children, aged 9–18 years in the general population, and a further 21 children, aged 8–18 years and known to be young carers from the same English unitary authority, was conducted to gain an in-depth understanding of children’s perceptions and experiences of what they do to help at home. This study shows that children with caregiving roles remain a distinctive group who assume more domestic and caring responsibilities than their peers, and who also perform many of these activities more frequently than young caregivers in 2001. Approximately 19% of the respondents in the general population showed signs of being in a caring role, double the percentage identified by the author in 2001, 72% of whom were from Black and Minority Ethnic backgrounds. Indicating over time higher levels of unmet needs among parents and other family members who are ill or disabled, these findings have important implications for professional policy, planning and practice across adult and children’s services.

No

Drawing on the “predator” model of ntrepreneurship put forward by Villette and Vuillermot in their 2009 book “From Predators to Icons,” this article argues that challenging economic times reveal that self-funded, collaborative information literacy models have in many cases unsustainably overstretched staff and budgets. In such circumstances, it is necessary for librarians to shift to an entrepreneurial approach that seeks profitable opportunities funded by parties other than the library in order to build capital for current and future instructional services. Following Villette and Vuillermot, the article seeks to refute a cultural myth that sees the entrepreneur as someone who is first and foremost a “do-gooder” or marketer of helpful products, and it also advocates that librarians adopt a view of the entrepreneur as one who preys on unexploited, lowcost/high-profit opportunities to leverage “other people’s money” to build capital for later innovation. The article considers the economics of information literacy and library instruction programs, provides historical context for what has come to be known as the “collaborative imperative,” points to the economic shortsightedness of many collaborative and “embedded librarian” partnerships, and details six examples from information literacy programs that model successful entrepreneurship of the sort argued for.

There is a dearth of literature on the experiences of people with physical health conditions who make disability benefit claims and live as a benefit claimant, particularly since the recent and ongoing changes to the benefits system in the UK. This research aimed to explore the social processes that impact on people with a physical health condition who have experienced a loss of or change in disability benefits, particularly in relation to their identity and their relationships with society. In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen people with physical health conditions or disabilities. Data was analysed using Grounded Theory methods and a theoretical model was co-constructed. Participants experienced the benefits system as dehumanising, and felt that they lived in a judgemental society, where they were perceived as 'scroungers' and faced discrimination from others. These experiences negatively affected their mental and physical health and wellbeing. Participants often internalised the stigma surrounding disability benefit claimants and they attempted to resist this in order to maintain a preferred sense of self. The findings demonstrate the significant impact of benefit changes on wellbeing and identity. The research highlights important implications for Psychologists, as well as staff in healthcare, the benefits system, and government.

The purpose of this study, is to investigate the dynamics of reforms (i.e. why and how) in the delivery of public services and management controls in an Irish local authority, paying particular attention to the role of a newly appointed CEO and austerity measures. The case study method is adopted. Several complementary socio-political theoretical lenses are adopted to give greater emphasis to agency and structure including concepts such as institutional entrepreneurship, institutional contradictions, institutional change, organisational change and power. Such theoretical pluralism illuminates the complex nature of public service reforms in an Irish local authority, as it sought to realise services efficiency targets in times of austerity. This study makes important contributions to research on public service deliveries and management controls. As far as its author is aware, this study is the first of its kind to detail the unfolding journey of reform in the delivery of services and management controls in an Irish local authority that faced the significant challenges of austerity. Hence, for this reason alone the research contributes significantly towards the development of new knowledge in this important area. Furthermore, an in-depth process-oriented account of a purposeful institutional entrepreneur, utilising management accounting information, power and communication, in reforming the delivery of public services and management controls, is provided. Also revealed is how external factors, such as the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent central government funding cuts, enabled rather than constrained, institutional entrepreneurship. In addition, the case findings informed, how in conditions of austerity, the fundamentals of budgetary control became easier to enforce.

Over the past decade, the European Union has been characterized by an explosion of expenditure, insufficient revenue, high deficits and a lack of budget discipline. Financial markets in Europe are currently dealing with enormous government debts, poor government balance sheets and a weakening banking system. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the origins of the current Euro-crisis and specifically identify the extent to which it will affect the nation of Italy going forward. To understand Italy's stance amid the Euro-crisis, we proceed as follows: First, a historical background section will develop the fundamental issues that have developed in Europe over time leading to the current situation. Next, a discussion about Italian economics and politics will identify Italy's central policy issues placed in the context of the Euro-crisis. Subsequently, Italy's issues with tax evasion will be covered illustrating its history and enforcement addendums going forward. The final section of this paper will present a forward-looking prediction about the fate of Italy and the Euro-zone and will include some of the necessary steps toward avoiding an international economic collapse.

O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a relação entre crescimento econômico e endividamento público. Para isso, o trabalho inicia com uma análise histórica mostrando a evolução do endividamento público e do sistema monetário ao longo dos últimos séculos, discutindo também alguns episódios clássicos de crises de dívida. Em um segundo momento, o trabalho discute os determinantes para a sustentabilidade da dívida pública através da abordagem de conceitos como original sin, debt intolerance, currency mismatches e sudden stops. Com a análise histórica e a definição de alguns dos principais determinantes da sustentabilidade da dívida pública, o trabalho encerra com a discussão a respeito da relação entre crescimento econômico e endividamento público, contrastando as visões ortodoxas e heterodoxas sobre o tema. Através desta análise conclui-se que não é possível afirmar que existe relação negativa entre crescimento econômico e endividamento público como defendem os autores ortodoxos. Além disso, a assimetria do sistema monetário mundial, elemento pouco presente nas análises ortodoxas, é uma fonte importante de tensões na gestão da dívida pública. / The objective of this dissertation is to discuss the relationship between economic growth and public debt. For that, this dissertation begins with a historic analysis showing the evolution of public debt and of the monetary system over the past centuries, discussing also some classic episodes of debt crises. In a second stage, this dissertation discusses the determinants for public debt sustainability by addressing concepts like original sin, debt intolerance, currency mismatches and sudden stops. With the historical analysis and the definition of some key determinants of public debt sustainability, the work concludes with a discussion about the relationship between economic growth and public debt, contrasting the orthodox and heterodox views on the subject. Through this analysis it follows that it is not possible to say that there is a negative relationship between economic growth and public debt as the orthodox argue. Furthermore, the asymmetry of the global monetary system, a little discussed element in the orthodox analysis, is an important source of tensions in the management of public debt.