ABSTRACT The EU as a normative power in Belarus – a critical case By Anna Johnsson University of Växjö School of Social Sciences Spring semester 2007 The European Union’s identity is a much debated topic. Some say it’s a unique actor in the international arena because of the different tools it has at its disposal. Ian Manners claims that the EU is what he calls a normative power. A normative power has the possibilities to influence other actors’ perceptions of what is normal and tries to affect actors’ behavior by diffusing values. Manners defines nine different values that the EU exports and also in what ways it is done. The purpose of this thesis is to examine if and how the EU acts as a normative power in Belarus. Belarus was chosen because it is said to be the last dictatorship left in Europe. It was also chosen as a critical case for the EU’s normative power. To be able to fulfill the purpose of the thesis I have worked with two main questions: • What are the normative values the EU is exporting through its contacts with Belarus? • In what ways are these values diffused? The questions were answered by examining the official EU strategy for Belarus and I found that the values the EU is exporting to Belarus mainly are democracy, human rights, rule of law and sustainable development. Main ways of diffusion were informational diffusion, procedural diffusion and the cultural filter. Keywords: Normative power, diffusion of values, the European Union, Belarus

This thesis focuses on the analysis of the business environment of the Republic of Belarus and trade relations with the Czech Republic. The goal of this thesis is to provide the reader a comprehensive document that provides a complete and relevant information to help readers to orientate themselves in the Belarusian business and investment environment. At the same time the aim of this thesis is to help Czech entrepreneur identify prospective business opportunities and Czech entrepreneur could realistically exploit his business activities. The mapping the business environment in Belarus, I used the PEST analysis, which is reflected in the logical construction of the thesis. The thesis charts the political and legal environment, economic environment, socio-cultural and technological environment of the country. I exploit my own knowledge and experience I have accumulated during numerous trips to Belarus in this thesis. This thesis clearly summarizes the significant characteristics of the business environment in Belarus. Getting familiar with its contents raises a presumption of successful entry of the Czech entity on the Belarusian market.

This thesis deals with the geopolitical aspects resulting from the increasing EU dependence on natural gas imports from the external suppliers. In addition to the investigation into he current situation of the EU market with natural gas, nature of major suppliers is explored, the thesis tries to identify the main risks to the security of supplies, especially the possibility of politically motivated supply disruption. From a broader perspective, it scrutinizes whether the natural gas market is driven by the market-based principles and regulated by international organizations (Market and Institutions scenario) or the bilateral relations between producer and consumer are the decisive factor (Regions and Empires scenario). Furthermore, the analysis of relevant documents issued by the EU institutions is also included and the thesis aims to assess the feasibility of the single 2 European external energy policy. Finally, the thesis includes two case-studies: the first one is dealing with energy relations between Russia and Belarus and Ukraine. The second one is dedicated to the Nord Stream gas pipeline project.

This research examines the multi-vectored nature of Belarusian foreign policy since 1996 when Alexander Lukashenka solidified his regime in Belarus until today. The trends in Belarusian foreign policy are analyzed through the scope of interdependency and its intricate interplay with Belarusian national identity, or in other words, how President Lukashenka understands and interprets the Belarusian people. Since the early 2000s, it appeared that Belarus changed its foreign policy in an attempt to become less dependent on Russia and more open to working with new partners. Officially, Lukashenka has consistently maintained a multi-vector approach to Belarusian foreign policy and also in practice, despite intermittent speculation that Belarus might drastically change the dynamics of its foreign policy. Decreasing dependence is not motivation enough to completely alter perceived stability and a reluctance for change among the Belarusian people. Lukashenka uses the flexibility of his foreign policy to try to extract some benefits from global partners; however, the status quo of Lukashenka's foreign policies continues to remain intact. Keywords Belarus, President Alexander Lukashenka, Multi-vector, multipolar, foreign policy, interdependence, national identity, dependence

The Soviet Union population was unified under the shared belief of being a part of a common goal for proletarianism, in disregard of religion. These sentiments were prevalent up until the union’s dissolution. Something which created an identity void, reinvigorating the need for spirituality. The idea of belonging to a Church was encouraged, in which Orthodoxy emerged as a solution for the lack of identity and provided a source of piety for the people. Amalgamating the scattered religious community, essentially providing a catalyst for creating an identity based on a cultural belonging to a historical past. This thesis presents the Russian Orthodox Church’s politicised role in Russia, that in turn has created an identity marker for Russians. From this, an understanding stems for the outcome of Russia’s and the ROCs attempt to exert cultural values through Soft power on Ukraine and Belarus. Fundamentally illustrating that the two states’ preconceived identities differs to the extent that they either welcome or reject these notions.

Goal of this master thesis is to show that the myth of the Great Patriotic War is a source of Russian soft power in Belarus. After the methodology chapter, the thesis continues with connecting the concept of soft power authored by Joseph Nye with the concept of myth which is here defined on the basis of theories of Eliade and Malinowski. The next part discusses Russian soft power in the Post-Soviet area in general and in Belarus in particular. It demonstrates that Russian soft power rests largely on common history shared by Russians and other Post-Soviet nations. As a consequence, the main sources of Russian soft power rest on identities and narratives, including myths. The myth of the Great Patriotic War was at the center of Soviet mythology and it has preserved its dominant position also in the Post-Soviet period, what holds true particularly for Belarus. The following part retraces the evolution of the myth of the Great Patriotic War from its emergence during the Second World War until today. It shows that the essence of this myth is a feeling of togetherness and of community that unites the former Soviet nations. The last part presents an interpretative analysis of five qualitative interviews with Belarusians. The analysis of individual cases to a large extent confirmed that the myth of the...

VOLÁK, Jiří."Acts of Resistance": Productions by Belarus Free Theatre from 2005 to 2015 as an Alternative Articulation of Belarusian National Identity. Praha, 2016. 74 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra ruských a východoevropských studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce Mgr. Daniela Kolenovská, Ph.D.. Abstract The study aims to make sense of contemporary conceptions of national identity in Belarus via their cultural manifestations. For that purpose, the case of Belarus Free Theatre (BFT) has been chosen as an example of alternative culture in 2005-2015. Five plays are analysed with respect to the employed verbatim technique, and conclusions concerning the alternative society and its relation to language and other national issues are drawn. Key questions are: What are the major competing projects regarding the (supposedly weak) Belarusian national identity? Does Belarus Free Theatre use culture to promote a certain vision within the national identity debate? What language policy does Belarus Free Theatre employ and what does it say about the national development? After setting theoretical background, the study follows attempts to characterise Belarus under the rule of president Aliaksandr Lukashenka, offering basic facts about how he came to...

The Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) emerged more than one year ago but so far there has been no consensus on the nature and the main aspects of the cooperation. Whereas some observers underline pure economic incentives of the integration, others see the regional organization as a tool for increasing the power of the strongest members, and especially Russia. Strongly echoed in public discourse is a comparison to the former Soviet Union. To tackle the issue, the thesis asks: What are the main motives for participation in the project? Which main benefits are expected by the members to be gained? These questions are answered through a content analysis of verbal expressions of five presidents who hold the main decision-making powers in EEU's member states. Based on theoretically generated analytical categories, the thesis conducts a quantitative analysis of the discourse, which is then discussed in the context of the post-Soviet space. The findings reveal the motives which the presidents use to legitimize the membership and show the main cleavages that threaten to undermine the development of the organization.

Nostalgia for the Soviet past has been relevant for more than three decades since the demise of the USSR in 1991. The first scholars who studied this phenomenon believed that it related to backward Soviet mentality typical of the old generations. However, with the passage of time it has become clear that young people also not only express interest in the Soviet legacy, but many of them clearly state that they have nostalgia for the USSR. Here, we encounter an intriguing question: can we contend that nostalgia may be provoked by the live experience only, or it can be a longing for the unexperienced past? Nowadays, there are many online nostalgic Russian-speaking communities that provide rich material for studying post-Soviet nostalgia. But Russian language should not be confused with “Russianness”. Moreover, as we go deeper into this topic, we understand that those people who are nostalgic for the USSR, experience longing for different aspects of the Soviet life, depending on their ethnic belonging. This study addresses the difference between Russians who long for the grandeur of the Soviet Union which was the most powerful and effective embodiment of the Russian empire, and the representatives of other nationalities who have another perspective on their Soviet past. This thesis deals a lot with the issue of values, because, as it is shown in the research, longing for socialism is not a matter of age, but rather a matter of values. The most essential point which is recalled by many nostalgic persons is aspiration for the future. Now Russia and other post-Soviet countries do not have a clear plan for the future, while the USSR provided its population with a goal for future development. On the other hand, many nostalgic subjects admit, that a unique spirituality that was embedded in Soviet life is lost. It is another paradox, because the Soviet state was atheist, and now in Russia and other former Soviet republics, religion plays a significant role, however, the decrease of morals in comparison to Soviet times is apparent. Therefore, this thesis discusses compatibility of Communist (socialist) values and religion. Many nostalgic subjects feel that the USSR was a bastion of science and technological advancement in comparison to the backward obscurantist Russia of today. They mourn the downfall of the USSR as a failed project of modernity. This is another important topic that is addressed in the thesis. This study is based on online ethnographies of a few nostalgic communities on three Russian-speaking internet platforms: VKontakte, Odnoklassniki and Facebook. Initially, the focus of the study was on a group level of analysis, but the most valuable portion of this project turned out to be interviews conducted with individual participants of the studied communities. The research participants were from the following countries: Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russian and Ukraine. The task of this research was to understand the nature of their nostalgia and to reveal their visions of the to-be-restored USSR. Depending on their worldviews (socialist/ non-socialist, nationalist/internationalist) the research participants provided very different and instructive pictures of this new potential unity which the researcher approached from the perspective of Benedict Anderson’s theory on imagined communities.

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