Over the past twenty years, the cooperation within the European Union (EU) has strengthened and expanded with both more number of Member States and stronger influence on international politics. The unique character of the Union and its ability to enforce peace and humanitarian intervention has attracted attention in political science. This prominent position of the Union is perceived by many scholars who often hold this derived from the Union's influence in international relations. Various terms have been used to define the powers of the Union. The British researcher Ian Manners states that the unique identity of the Union in the international arena is formed by its normative power.    An important policy area within the Union is the environmental cooperation. It is essential to have a global understanding that an increasing cooperation within the environmental policy area is necessary in order to combat environmental degradation and climate change. In this study I have therefore chosen to examine if the Union can be considered a normative power in the area of environmental policy. To fulfill the purpose of my study I choose to examine the Kyoto protocol (2008- 2012). The Kyoto Protocol is an extension of the United Nations Framework on Climate Change and is the dominant global initiative in global environmental activities.   After studying the way towards global cooperation in the battle against climate change I would say that it is obvious that the EU has guided a number of stages of key importance. In international cooperation, states are usually not willing to accept the costs they may incur from taking on greater responsibilities than other parties. The Union’s imprint as a leading party in the global fight against climate change is in many ways tangible.

Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Moldovan government has become both fragile and unpredictable. With a high susceptibility to external pressures, the country has fallen into a limbo between democracy and autocracy and is today classified as a hybrid regime. Since Moldovas entry to the EU's Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership in 2008, the country's sensitivity to social and political change has become evident. The EU has acted as a normative power in the country in several ways by pursuing a neighborhood policy that seeks to consolidate European norms. This study aims to explain how the EU can be seen as a normative power in Moldova through the theoretical framework of Normative Power Europe (NPE). The thesis also aims to descripture how the EU uses the five basic principles of NPE regarding peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law as normative guidelines for influencing the country's political direction. A conclusion can be drawn that the EU appears to be using the neighborhood policy tools to consolidate European norms through sanctions, association agreements and treaties, thus keeping Moldova's political development in an iron fist.

<p>This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.</p>

The role of the European Union (EU) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was strengthened in 2011, when the mandate of the EU Special Representative was transferred from the High Representative of the International Community, to the Head of the EU Delegation in BiH. The EU thus assumed a leading role within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a state-builder and as democratiser. The EU’s growing prominence puts on it even more responsibility for the future of democratisation in BiH, but it continues to suffer from inconsistencies between its principles and actions, weak legitimacy, and a lack of credibility. Although I subscribe to Ian Manners’ concept of the EU normative power, I argue that the EU does not act as normative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This thesis argues that the EU is a normative power in principle, but not in practice, and provides a critique of the EU’s role in promoting and strengthening democracy in BiH. I attribute the exceptionalism of BiH to a restrictive context that is saturated with ethnic nationalism, which permeates all aspects of political life, including constitutional structures, institutions, decision-making, political parties, their policies and rhetoric. I argue that in this post-conflict society in which democracy has not consolidated, the promotion of EU norms is hampered by elite agency, an unfavourable context, and the exiting norms and values that are incompatible with EU norms. Based on my findings about the quality of democracy in BiH, I label it an eclectically unconsolidated democracy, which contains many features of different types of unsuccessful democracies. I argue that the legitimacy, identity, and effectiveness of the EU normative power have been compromised and weakened in the context of an unconsolidated democracy. The case of BiH is exceptional, which the EU fails to recognise, and it falsely applies a ‘cookie-cutter approach’ that treats it as any other aspiring democracy and potential member state. Rather than having a distinct international identity (Manners & Whitman, 1998), the EU suffers from a ‘confused international identity’, which is a consequence of many discrepancies in the way in which various EU actors see their own role in BiH, and how they see the role of the EU. My intention is not to dismiss some aspects of EU normative power, but rather to enrich a debate by providing an alternative perspective. For that purpose, I apply a tailor-made framework of analysis which assesses the level of normative transformation under EU democratisation in the case of two dimensions of democratic quality: equality and trust.

This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between elementary school students¡¦ emotional experiences and their perception of teachers¡¦ power styles in classroom . In this study, 707 sixth-grade students in the great metropolitan Kaohsiung area were surveyed. The instruments employed in this study included Emotional Experiences Inventory for the Primary Students, and Teacher Power Styles Inventory. The statistical methods used for the data analysis were Descriptive Statistics, Analysis of Variance, Canonical Correlation, and Stepwise Multiple Regression. The main findings of this study were following¡G 1.The power style most frequently employed by teachers was the normative power style. On the other hand, the coercive power style was seldom employed by teachers nor was the remunerative power style. Many students had emotional experience of joy. A few students had emotional experiences of sadness and fear. 2.More girls had joy emotional experience than boys did. There were no significant differences between girls and boys for sadness and fear emotional experiences. 3.For each emotional experience, there were no significant differences among various birth orders, among family structures, or among socioeconomic states. 4.More male teachers employed the coercive power style than female teachers did. While more female teachers employed the remunerative power style and normative power style than male teachers did. 5.There were significant differences in the employment of remunerative power style among different years of teaching experience. However, there were no significant differences among the years of teaching experience for the employment of coercive power style, nor for normative power style. 6.There were no significant differences in the employment of power styles among different levels of teacher education. 7.There was a statistically significant interaction between students¡¦ birth order and sex for emotional experience of joy. 8.There was no significant interaction between students¡¦ sex and family structure for emotional experience. Also there was no significant interaction between students¡¦ sex and socioeconomic states. 9.There was a significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and the years of teaching experience for the employment of coercive power style. There was no significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and the years of teaching experience for the employment of remunerative power style, or for the normative power style. 10.There was a significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and education for the employment of coercive power style, and for the employment of remunerative power style. However, there was no significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and education for the employment of normative power style. 11.There was a significant correlation between teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style and students¡¦ emotional experience of joy. 12.Teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of sadness. 13.Teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of joy. 14.Teachers¡¦ employment of coercive power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of fear. Finally, the researcher made several suggestions to the educational organizations, the primary school teachers, and the future studies.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The EU as a normative power in Belarus – a critical case</p><p>By Anna Johnsson</p><p>University of Växjö</p><p>School of Social Sciences</p><p>Spring semester 2007</p><p>The European Union’s identity is a much debated topic. Some say it’s a unique actor in the international arena because of the different tools it has at its disposal. Ian Manners claims that the EU is what he calls a normative power. A normative power has the possibilities to influence other actors’ perceptions of what is normal and tries to affect actors’ behavior by diffusing values. Manners defines nine different values that the EU exports and also in what ways it is done.</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine if and how the EU acts as a normative power in Belarus. Belarus was chosen because it is said to be the last dictatorship left in Europe. It was also chosen as a critical case for the EU’s normative power. To be able to fulfill the purpose of the thesis I have worked with two main questions:</p><p>• What are the normative values the EU is exporting through its contacts with Belarus?</p><p>• In what ways are these values diffused?</p><p>The questions were answered by examining the official EU strategy for Belarus and I found that the values the EU is exporting to Belarus mainly are democracy, human rights, rule of law and sustainable development. Main ways of diffusion were informational diffusion, procedural diffusion and the cultural filter.</p><p>Keywords: Normative power, diffusion of values, the European Union, Belarus</p>

With a base in Ian Manners’ theory about Normative Power Europe – that the European Union is to be seen as a normative power instead of a civilian or military – this paper seeks to contribute to the discussion about identity by examine the normative elements of the union’s policies towards Russia between 1997 and 2013. Which norms are most important and how does the diffusion look? The findings show that democracy, rule of law and respect of human rights are among the most diffused norms, and this is more than often done by using the Russian interest in economic progress. Over time the European Union has taken on a more critical approach against Russia, while still appreciating their prosperous relation when it comes to trade and energy. The union balances between asserting its identity by the diffusion of norms on one hand, and maintaining a pragmatic relationship on the other, which leaves the identity issue as still a very complex question.

The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.

Ever since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, the EU has striven for a supportive relationship with the burgeoning new state; a relationship which can be seen to have been built upon the institution’s constitutive normative principles. This relationship has consequently resulted in a national emphasis upon environmental development throughout Kosovo. However, how beneficial has the EU’s promotion of these normative principles over Kosovo actually been for Kosovo’s environmental development? And subsequently, what are the potential consequences of the EU being perceived as an influential ‘normative power’ for other actors in the international system? This thesis has addressed these questions through conducting a series of semi-structured expert interviews, as to generate contemporarily relevant and applicable data which reflects the benefits of the EU’s operation in Kosovo and illustrates contemporary EU power exertion. Ian Manners’ theoretical conceptualisation of EU power, ‘Normative power Europe’, provides the theoretical framework for the conducting of this research. This paper argues that the EU’s exertion of normative power over Kosovo has, overall, been beneficial for Kosovo’s environmental development through wide-spread developments to key areas of Kosovo’s environmental sphere; however, there have also been certain shortcomings and failures of the EU in in this regard as certain key-areas of Kosovo’s environmental sphere, regardless of the long-term presence of the EU in Kosovo, remain largely underdeveloped. This conclusion can be employed in order to draw reflections on the potential consequences of the perception of the EU as an influential ‘normative power’ for other actors in the international system; other international actors could move away from more traditional conceptual approaches to power/ influence exertion in the international system, and developing states could also grow to be more receptive to normative power exertion processes. Therefore, the presented conclusions are not only relevant to the case of Kosovo, but could also be employed in a more practical manner in exploring the role and consequences of the EU’s contemporary power exertion in the international system as a whole.