<p>This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.</p>

This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.

This research critically unpacks existing international norm diffusion and domestication theories and amends them, focusing on resistance, agency, and the pivotal role of domestic agents. It argues that domestic agency is marginalized by current theories of international norm diffusion and that current models place undue emphasis on the power of ‘critical States’, which are invariably Western. It is implied, though often explicitly stated, that international norms are created in and spread by Western States. This research argues that while this may be the case, the application of the same limited models create such a situation which hinders instead of helps the understanding of norm diffusion. Arguing that domestic agency is marginalized by current theories of international norm diffusion, this study investigated the SRHR norm in the Philippines as a case study to examine the limitations of current models and the benefits of introducing a local agency approach. This research is divided into two sections: the national and the sub-national, to provide a broad-lens perspective on the specific case of Sexual Health and Reproductive Rights (SRHR) in the Philippines using the framework of norm diffusion. Empiric research was conducted on two levels of analysis: first, a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the national-level Congressional deliberations and debates on SRHR from the period of the 8th Congress to the 15th Congress; and second, a micro-comparative analysis of three selected municipalities, namely Manila, Cebu, and Davao, involving a case-study based process-tracing methodology of the local diffusion of the SRHR norm(s).The theoretical critique and empirical case study proved that there are indeed limitations present within current diffusion conventions and furthermore, that local agency is a powerful and understudied tool in norm diffusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This research studies norm subsidiarity in the practice of diplomacy. Norm subsidiarity is a concept found within norm diffusion scholarship. It is argued that this scholarship gives a privileged position to materially strong actors in its explanation of norm diffusion. The role of weaker states to support international norms is often ignored. Norm subsidiarity explains how materially weaker states support international norms to protect their autonomy from stronger actors. This research demonstrates the application of norm subsidiarity by tracing the history and context surrounding the diplomacy of Iran’s nuclear programme from its inception in 1957 to the present. Iran has successfully supported the norm of the peaceful use of nuclear energy by continuing to develop its nuclear programme. This is despite overwhelming international pressure from much stronger states who seek to stop this programme. The analysis shows that Iran’s actions can be described as a process of norm subsidiarity. This provides credibility to the argument that weaker states can play an important role in successfully supporting international norms, despite the desires of much stronger states. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

How do international norms travel, via statebuilding efforts, into post-conflict settings, and how do international and national actors interact in this process? These are the main questions addressed in this thesis. The empirical focus is the spreading and rooting of the norm of women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, two countries in which international actors have played a significant role in statebuilding efforts. Although statebuilding has increasingly become a part of UN peacebuilding missions, we still lack a thorough understanding of how much, and in what ways, the international community can successfully promote change. This is important in view of the fact that the key to success ultimately depends on how the receiving community responds to the presence and efforts of international actors to promote new social norms.  This study analyzes the interaction between international and national actors engaged in the promotion of women’s political rights as part of the effort to advance democracy. Three institutional developments are examined in detail – electoral rules and regulations, the establishment of a national gender equality/women’s machinery and the strengthening of the local government structure. The study uses a modified norm diffusion approach and makes two theoretical contributions to the literature. First, I place the norm diffusion process in a post-conflict context. Second, I add the concept of capability to function in order to conceptualize and study the internalization of the norm. The thesis is based on both an analysis of written material and semi-structured interviews. A total of 65 interviews were conducted during three research trips to each of the countries between 2007 and 2009. In general, the four empirical chapters reveal that the interaction between international and national actors has predominantly been characterized by international actors setting the agenda, with varying degrees of consultation and collaboration with national actors. While norm institutionalization has been rather high in both countries, norm inter­nalization lags behind. This is explained by discriminating ways of life and attitudes, lack of resources and time. Norm internalization is higher in Timor-Leste, in part because national actors have adapted the norm of women’s political rights to fit the local setting, but also due to their openness to international influences. The empirical study underscores that international actors can push for change and norm adherence, but their efforts are not enough. In the end, national actors have to buy into the message that international actors try to convey. The strengths and weaknesses that have been uncovered in the Cambodian and Timorese case studies presented here should be carefully considered as international actors, led by the UN, embark upon future statebuilding missions around the globe.

Why Serbia’s path towards EU membership has been so contentious and fraught with difficulty? Why did Europeanization happen more ‘smoothly’ in some countries, while it stalls or fails in others? This study shows Serbia’s reluctance to Europeanize by exploring how the Serbian ruling elite received the EU’s norms of peace, media freedom and rights of migrants and refugees. As such, it contributes to the emerging research agenda on norm diffusion and Normative Power Europe. Through an analysis of key public statements of Serbian political leaders over the past four years, the present thesis examines how politicians discursively framed EU’s ideas, standards and normative convictions within the Belgrade-Pristina normalization dialogue, in light of the refugee crisis and in terms of media freedom. The findings indicate that the Serbian governing elite has responded differently to the EU’s normative influence in different policy domains with resisting and rejecting certain norms while adopting and adapting other. In general, the thesis evaluates that despite the significant efforts of the EU to export its ideas and values, it has only had a limited effect on Serbia. I conclude that these results further cast doubt on the future of Serbia’s accession to the EU.

This study deals with the process of norm diffusion in international politics. It primarily analyses and explains the diffusion of the norm of ’good governance’ initiated by the World Bank in 1989. In so doing the study delivers an analysis of the norm entrepreneurship of the World Bank in this specific case of norm diffusion. Moreover, the analysis reflects on the capacity of the World Bank as a norm entrepreneur from a more general point of view. An analytical framework that mainly draws on social constructivist literature on norm evolution is developed and applied to the empirical case at hand. The analysis is divided into two parts. The first section focuses on normative structures and the second section concentrates on the norm entrepreneur. The last concluding part wraps up the analysis of the empirical case by explaining how the first and the second part of the inquiry relate. The present study suggests that social fitness is the key analytical concept to understand the process of norm diffusion in the case at hand. The analysis shows how the social fitness of the norm of ‘good governance’ and the social fitness of the World Bank as an international organisation are fundamental to understand the diffusion of the norm of ‘good governance’. The theoretical conception of norm diffusion delivered in the present study suggests that international organisations can be influential and powerful norm entrepreneurs. Furthermore, the study incorporates a theoretical conception of power into the analysis of norm diffusion and shows how power in different forms is a fundamental element to understand and analyse the social construction of intersubjectivity.

Sexual violence against women is a broad and serious problem all over the world, but South Africa is one of the countries that stand out with their high statistics, where women are mostly targeted and exposed to this violation. At the same time, there are many women’s and human right’s organisations in South Africa working to address sexual violence and support survivors and fighting for equality between men and women. In this study, five organisations have been interviewed, whereof four of them are working with religious leaders as an approach to fights sexual violence. The result and analysis suggest the importance of both women’s and human rights organisations as norm entrepreneurs, as well as the importance of religious leaders as local actors to facilitate the work of internalizing gender equality and fight sexual violence. The mentoring and support from organisations and the work with religious leaders have shown positive progress in several areas of their work to localize and internalize gender equality. However, the organisations are facing limitations in their work with religious leaders which might limit the progress of localization and internalization.

L’exportation des normes de l’UE vers les pays voisins dans le domaine de la régulation des marchés gaziers et de leurs infrastructures est devenue le leitmotiv de la politique énergétique européenne extérieure. Cette thèse analyse les défis énergétiques auxquels est confrontée l’UE ; elle évalue également la politique européenne en matière de sécurité énergétique vis-à-vis de l’Azerbaïdjan et de l’Algérie ainsi que l’influence transformatrice de l’Union dans ces pays. L’analyse cherche à comprendre si, et dans quelle mesure, l’UE peut exporter ses normes vers les deux fournisseurs gaziers dans le cadre de sa gouvernance énergétique extérieure. La démarche méthodologique met en évidence les limites des explications dominantes de convergence fondées sur l’institutionnalisme rationnel et constructiviste et se propose de les enrichir en s’appuyant sur les cadres analytiques des études de diffusion et du « decentring ». Sur la base d’ouvrages spécialisés, de documents officiels et de 85 entretiens avec des acteurs publics de l’UE, d’Azerbaïdjan et d’Algérie et avec des acteurs privés à Bruxelles, Bakou et Alger, l’analyse cherche à expliquer la plus ou moins grande convergence des normes de l’UE. L’analyse s’attache à la coopération énergétique avec l’UE, les secteurs énergétiques et les projets d’infrastructures des deux pays au travers de six études de cas. La thèse se propose d’élargir la portée des études existantes en intégrant les influences de la situation géopolitique et du marché qui pèsent souvent de manière plus importante que les contraintes européennes et soutient dès lors que la gouvernance énergétique extérieure est seulement durable, si elle est « décentrée ». / The export of EU norms to regulate gas markets and transnational infrastructure has become the leitmotif of EU external energy policy in the neighbourhood. This thesis unpacks the underlying energy policy challenge of the EU, before analysing its approach to ensure energy security towards Azerbaijan and Algeria and examining the Union’s transformative influence. The major question of the research is: How and to which extent can the EU export its energy norms and policies towards both strategic neighbouring suppliers of natural gas, which represent least likely cases of EU external energy governance? The analytical framework sheds light on the limits of major rationalist and constructivist institutionalist explanations in accounting for convergence with EU energy norms and addresses them by drawing on insights from diffusion studies and the decentring framework. Relying on qualitative document and data analysis as well as extensive fieldwork and 85 interviews carried out with EU, Azerbaijani and Algerian officials as well as representatives of energy companies in Brussels, Baku, and Algiers, the research accounts for a varying degree of convergence as the result of an unstable and conflictual process. Examining energy cooperation with the EU, domestic energy sectors and major infrastructure projects within six case studies, the analysis sheds light on EU norm export from a bottom-up perspective of neighbouring public actors. The thesis broadens the scope of existing studies by factoring in geopolitical and market-based constraints and influences, which often outweigh EU coercion and depicts that EU external energy governance can only be sustainable, if it is ‘decentred’.

How did foreign influences shape the development of the Swedish Joint Doctrine? The research on Swedish doctrine development is scarce, and when it comes to the military dissemination of ideas to Swedish doctrine, the research is practically non-existent. Data collection has been conducted through semi-structured interviews with a relevant interview group. A deductive approach, using Farrell, Terriff, and Osinga's theory of norm diffusion, has been applied to analyse and interpret the collected data in a qualitative text analysis. There is no doubt that foreign military theoretical ideas and concepts have been incorporated into the Swedish Armed Forces Joint Doctrine. NATO serves as the natural international influence for Swedish doctrinal change. The study demonstrates that all shaping factors have, at some point, influenced the foreign concepts transferred to Swedish doctrine. A suggestion for further research is to conduct a similar study on Swedish military strategic doctrine.