This study examines the European Union normative power in Sub-Saharan African countries. It is based upon theoretical researches on normative power and official publications about EU’s normative power in Africa. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the EU’s role in Africa as normative power. The following questions are posed: What are the reasons of exercising normative power by the EU in Africa? What are the main areas the EU acts as normative power in African continent? And what are the results of EU normative power activity in Africa? The theoretical approach assumes that the EU is no longer a normative power. But, nevertheless, it can exercise normative power. The study is conducted with a qualitative method research. The results show that the EU as a normative power pursues egoistic motives in Africa. But its normative power becomes limited by some factors: growing economic development of Africa, growing EU military power. This confirms the theory. / <p>Hope, You agree to use the thesis only for lawful purposes, and in a way that does not infringe the rights of, restrict or inhibit anyone else's use and enjoyment of the thesis. Remember you should ask authors' permission to use the thesis.</p>

In this thesis it is attempted to shed some light upon the limits and effectiveness of the role of the European Union (EU) as a normative power has played in the transformation of Turkish politics especially in the case of human rights issues. First of all, this study reviews the original and current debates over the civilian and normative power Europe ideas, searches to find common elements underlying those accounts and assesses to what extent they offer an adequate categorization of the EU&rsquo / s international significance. One of the main arguments of this thesis is that the EU is generally considered as the catalyst or the anchor of the reform process in the candidate countries to become members. With this in mind, an account of the development of the EU&rsquo / s human rights conditionality vis-&agrave / -vis the third countries and the typology of the EU&rsquo / s human rights conditionality within the framework of enlargement are also examined. The massive wave of transformation with regard to human rights issues undertaken in Turkey during its pre-accession relations with the Union is a case point in this thesis. Within the scope of the study, it is attempted to analyze the impact of the EU&rsquo / s human rights conditionality upon the related state of affairs in Turkey with a view to exploring to what extent and under what conditions it could be regarded as the independent variable of the domestic reform process in the country.

A presente pesquisa aborda o jogo em torno da legitimidade do “poder normativo” da Justiça do Trabalho no campo jurídico. No primeiro capítulo, uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o tema, a escolha teórica designada pela noção de campo e as oposições sobre a questão são apresentadas. No segundo capítulo, uma reconstituição histórica é realizada, a fim de reconstituir a criação do “poder normativo” e as lutas do movimento sindical em torno da legitimidade do instrumento jurídico. No terceiro capítulo, os pontos de vista dos Tribunais Trabalhistas nas décadas de 1990 e de 2000 são examinados, e dados são construídos para identificar como os interesses dos grupos do movimento sindical são traduzidos em argumentos jurídicos. / The present research is approaches the game to legitimate the “normative power” of the Labour Justice in the juridical field. In the first chapter, a brief revision of the literature on the theme, the theoretical choice designated by the field notion and the oppositions on the subject are presented. In the second chapter, a historical analysis of the fights out of the field it is accomplished, in order to reconstitute the creation of the “normative power” and the fights of the syndical movement on this juridical instrument. In the third chapter, the continuity of the point of view of the Labour Tribunals in the decade of 1990 and 2000 is examined, and data are built to identify as the interests of the syndical movement groups are translated in juridical arguments.

Why Serbia’s path towards EU membership has been so contentious and fraught with difficulty? Why did Europeanization happen more ‘smoothly’ in some countries, while it stalls or fails in others? This study shows Serbia’s reluctance to Europeanize by exploring how the Serbian ruling elite received the EU’s norms of peace, media freedom and rights of migrants and refugees. As such, it contributes to the emerging research agenda on norm diffusion and Normative Power Europe. Through an analysis of key public statements of Serbian political leaders over the past four years, the present thesis examines how politicians discursively framed EU’s ideas, standards and normative convictions within the Belgrade-Pristina normalization dialogue, in light of the refugee crisis and in terms of media freedom. The findings indicate that the Serbian governing elite has responded differently to the EU’s normative influence in different policy domains with resisting and rejecting certain norms while adopting and adapting other. In general, the thesis evaluates that despite the significant efforts of the EU to export its ideas and values, it has only had a limited effect on Serbia. I conclude that these results further cast doubt on the future of Serbia’s accession to the EU.

This paper analyse how two agreements can be understood to facilitate the normative power (NP) of the EU by illuminating how they can enable four different NP mechanisms and thus influence and shape Ukraine’s notions and norms concerning energy security (ES). The study it draws on information from two agreements, i.e. Memorandum of Understanding on a Strategic Energy Partnership of 2016 (MoU) and the treaty establishing the Energy Community (TEC). If we understand NP as the ability to define what passes for normal and that NP suggests that the EU exerts influence by shaping the values and behaviour of other actors by redefining international norms in their own image. Then these two agreements are interesting as they constitute a nexus between the EU and Ukraine which could potentially enable that power as they can proliferate norms and notions of the EU concerning ES. Considering how the TEC has the goal to extend their principle and rule of the EU and how the MoU is created with the EU´s energy union as reference point the agreements might enable that influence This paper combines critical discourse analysis (CDA) with an ideal type analysis where the four NP mechanism constitute the analytical tool. The study reveals how the agreements can enable the EU´s NP by facilitating the NP mechanism, as they manage to proliferate the norms and notion of the EU. However, the aptitude of the different NP mechanism differ between the two agreements. Additionally, the study also reveals how the application of this ideal type is more suitable for examining organisation rather than agreements alone, as the full spectrum of the NP mechanisms potential cannot be illuminated. Although, the study reveal how agreements could be understood as potential tools, even if they don’t enable all NP mechanism equally.

A presente pesquisa aborda o jogo em torno da legitimidade do “poder normativo” da Justiça do Trabalho no campo jurídico. No primeiro capítulo, uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o tema, a escolha teórica designada pela noção de campo e as oposições sobre a questão são apresentadas. No segundo capítulo, uma reconstituição histórica é realizada, a fim de reconstituir a criação do “poder normativo” e as lutas do movimento sindical em torno da legitimidade do instrumento jurídico. No terceiro capítulo, os pontos de vista dos Tribunais Trabalhistas nas décadas de 1990 e de 2000 são examinados, e dados são construídos para identificar como os interesses dos grupos do movimento sindical são traduzidos em argumentos jurídicos. / The present research is approaches the game to legitimate the “normative power” of the Labour Justice in the juridical field. In the first chapter, a brief revision of the literature on the theme, the theoretical choice designated by the field notion and the oppositions on the subject are presented. In the second chapter, a historical analysis of the fights out of the field it is accomplished, in order to reconstitute the creation of the “normative power” and the fights of the syndical movement on this juridical instrument. In the third chapter, the continuity of the point of view of the Labour Tribunals in the decade of 1990 and 2000 is examined, and data are built to identify as the interests of the syndical movement groups are translated in juridical arguments.

A presente pesquisa aborda o jogo em torno da legitimidade do “poder normativo” da Justiça do Trabalho no campo jurídico. No primeiro capítulo, uma breve revisão da literatura sobre o tema, a escolha teórica designada pela noção de campo e as oposições sobre a questão são apresentadas. No segundo capítulo, uma reconstituição histórica é realizada, a fim de reconstituir a criação do “poder normativo” e as lutas do movimento sindical em torno da legitimidade do instrumento jurídico. No terceiro capítulo, os pontos de vista dos Tribunais Trabalhistas nas décadas de 1990 e de 2000 são examinados, e dados são construídos para identificar como os interesses dos grupos do movimento sindical são traduzidos em argumentos jurídicos. / The present research is approaches the game to legitimate the “normative power” of the Labour Justice in the juridical field. In the first chapter, a brief revision of the literature on the theme, the theoretical choice designated by the field notion and the oppositions on the subject are presented. In the second chapter, a historical analysis of the fights out of the field it is accomplished, in order to reconstitute the creation of the “normative power” and the fights of the syndical movement on this juridical instrument. In the third chapter, the continuity of the point of view of the Labour Tribunals in the decade of 1990 and 2000 is examined, and data are built to identify as the interests of the syndical movement groups are translated in juridical arguments.

This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.

This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.

Le droit constitutionnel vit aujourd’hui un rayonnement sans précédents. Cette splendeur est la conséquence d'un long processus historique de maturation juridique qui s’est accéléré durant les derniers temps. La généralisation du mouvement de constitutionnalisation est l’un des principaux résultats de ce processus juridique qui amène le remplacement de cette discipline juridique. Ainsi, la constitutionnalisation est-elle considérée comme un phénomène juridique complexe qui se produit par l'irradiation du pouvoir normatif de la constitution sur tout l'ordre juridique. Actuellement, avec l'adoption généralisée du constitutionnalisme, l’influence de la force normative constitutionnelle est vivement présente dans la plupart des systèmes juridiques. Du même, le processus constitutionnalisant est par conséquence responsable des importantes transformations contemporaines du droit public que particulièrement entraînent une dense spécialisation des disciplines inspirées dans une efficace protection de l’intérêt public. C’est à propos de cette question qu’on perçoit qu'il existe une profonde influence de la valeur juridique constitutionnelle sur le domaine du droit public où est enrichie la notion de chose publique. Pour cela, il existe un rapport naturel et essentiel dans l’évolution commune entre la notion d’État et pouvoir politique. La constitutionnalisation devient actuellement un des phénomènes plus répandus, sa récurrence dans l'ordre juridique révèle une tendance à la consolidation du pouvoir normatif de la Constitution et la ferme détermination à garantir l’efficacité des droits reconnus au texte constitutionnel. Deux arguments permettent d’expliquer l’origine de ce phénomène, le premier, est lié au développement propre des concepts de la théorie constitutionnelle et correspond à ce que l’on pourrait appeler des causes générales. Le second renvoie aux éléments particulières qui caractérisant chaque branche de droit touchée par la constitutionnalisation à ce que l’on pourrait appeler des – causes spécifiques. On observe par exemple une certaine complexité dans le processus de constitutionnalisation du droit administratif qu’on pourrait expliquer en raison de la proximité théorique avec le droit constitutionnel. En termes pratiques dans le cas colombien la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif a des circonstances propres qui tournent autour de la hiérarchie normative. Ainsi, en premier lieu, l'analyse de la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif devra intégrer l'influence des causes générales du processus. Ce qui nous permettra en second lieu à partir des causes communes du processus de constitutionnalisation, de faire ressortir plus aisément les causes spécifiques qui sous-tendent la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif en Colombie. / In the contemporary world, many states, at different latitudes and with varying legal systems, are experiencing a constitutionalization process of the law as a real legal phenomenon, which presupposes a new look at the constitutional law, based on the recognition of the normative force of the constitution’s law as well as the influence which is spreading in the legal order and which can lead to the unification of law.This new vision of constitutionalism represents a real paradigm shift, especially for legal practitioners, for whom the idea of the hierarchy of law sources, or the main legal point of constitutionalization, is to consider the Constitution as the source of the essential sufficient right placed at the centre of the entire legal order to define the conditions of production and application of the law. Yet today, public law and more specifically the discipline of constitutional law is interested in the holistic understanding of the notion of constitution, and its various facets try to identify the influence of constitutional power to know the real impact produced by the process of constitutionalization on the branches of law.As a result, studying the scope of the constitutional phenomenon has become a subject of much debate in the contemporary world. In general, the focus of the debate remains on public law, the intersection of the normative power of the ‘Constitution’ and the content of the branches of law. In the specific case of administrative law, constitutionalization has a particular endogenous connotation: this phenomenon is systemic and produces an effect of internal collision between the different frontiers of the branches of public law. Indeed, it starts by identifying a common base on the bases of constitutional law and administrative law, which will subsequently have to produce a profound adjustment in the relationship between them.In Colombia, the adoption of the 1991 constitution produced a legal and institutional upheaval. Most transformations have been determined by an ambitious list of rights granted to citizens and the implementation of mechanisms to ensure the supremacy of constitutional norms, and to guarantee the protection of fundamental rights, imperative to the social state of law. There is no doubt that the main institutional reform brought by the 1991 Constitution was the creation of the Constitutional Court and, consequently, of its Constitutional High Court. In this way, in Colombia, public law, and especially constitutional law, have undergone significant changes that have now influenced the entire legal system. Yet, constitutionalization is a process that is present in the Colombian legal order, and research aims to study this phenomenon, which is limited to the area of administrative law, particularly for the case of Colombia.The administrative field in Colombia initially responded in the same way to the French model at the institutional, substantial and procedural level; it is the starting point for finding the interest of the analysis of the constitutionalization of the administrative law of the Colombian perspective.Nowadays, the presence of constitutionalization shows the importance of knowing the relationship between the current dynamics between Constitutional Law and Administrative Law in the role of guarantors of the protection of citizens’ rights in the rule of law. This research work seeks to analyse how the jurisdictional power, and more specifically the constitutional and administrative judges, coadministrate through their decisions, in instrumentalism the constitutionalization.