This master\'s thesis examines the effects of Brazil\'s economic and political rise on the nation\'s ability to have shaped global order through soft balancing during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the consequent impact on Brazil\'s relations with the United States. In order to contextualize the effects of Brazil\'s soft balancing on international institutions and Brazilian-American relations, this text first reviews the relevant theoretical and empirical literature on the liberal peace (and, conversely, trade-based conflicts), the democratic peace, and the nature and evolution of global governance. In the context of both the liberal peace and global governance, the literature implies the potential either for Brazilian-American cooperation to have grown or for heightened conflict to have arisen from the countries\' opposing interests and quests for influence in the transformation to a multipolar world. Meanwhile, the literature posits the potential for shared values to have promoted bilateral harmony but also points to shortcomings in Brazil\'s democratic consolidation that may have undermined the relevance of democracy as a catalyst for Brazilian-American relations during Lula\'s presidency. The empirical analysis in this text, after briefly examining Brazil\'s past quest for power vis-á-vis the United States and Lula\'s limited expansion of Brazil\'s hard (military) power, focuses on Lula\'s use of soft power as a tool to balance American influence in South America and around the world. Lula pursued a classic middle-power soft-balancing strategy by building regional and global coalitions and leveraging international institutions. Although Lula\'s efforts at coalition-building had somewhat limited effects, Brazil\'s soft-balancing strategy nevertheless succeeded in making Brazil\'s positions more consequential to global governance and American policy. Lula\'s incremental progress in checking American influence and solidifying Brazil\'s status as a middle power generally led to friction between Brazil and the United States, although the two countries were able to maintain constructive relations in areas of shared values and interests. / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa os efeitos da ascensão econômica e política do Brasil sobre a capacidade do país em haver moldado a ordem global via soft balancing durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como o consequente impacto dessa ascensão sobre as relações do Brasil com os Estados Unidos. A fim de contextualizar os efeitos do soft balancing brasileiro em instituições internacionais e nas relações brasileiro-americanas, este texto realiza, primeiramente, uma revisão da literatura teórica e empírica pertinente relativa a paz liberal (e, inversamente, conflitos relacionados ao comércio), a paz democrática e a natureza e evolução da governança global. No contexto tanto da paz liberal quanto da governança global, a literatura sugere o potencial ou de aumento da cooperação entre Brasil-Estados Unidos ou de intensificação do conflito decorrente de interesses divergentes dos países e da busca por influência na transformação para um mundo multipolar. Paralelamente, a literatura indica o potencial de que valores compartilhados tenham promovido harmonia bilateral, mas aponta ainda para as limitações da consolidação democrática do Brasil, cujos efeitos podem ter enfraquecido a importância da democracia como um catalisador das relações brasileiro-americanas durante a presidência de Lula. A parte empírica deste texto, após uma breve análise da história de busca brasileira por poder vis-à-vis aos Estados Unidos e da limitada expansão do hard power (poder militar) brasileiro, foca-se no uso que Lula fez do soft power como forma de contra-balancear a influência americana na América do Sul e ao redor do mundo. Lula adotou uma estratégia clássica de soft balancing de potências intermediárias por meio da construção de coalizões regionais e globais, além da influência em instituições internacionais. Apesar dos limitados resultados dos esforços de Lula em formar coalizões, a estratégia brasileira de soft balancing foi, no entanto, bem sucedida em tornar a posição brasileira mais relevante para a governança global e a política americana. Apesar dos dois países terem sido capazes de manter relações construtivas em áreas de interesse e valores comuns, o progresso crescente de Lula em limitar a influência americana e solidificar a posição brasileira de potência intermediária levou, de maneira geral, a atritos entre Brasil e Estados Unidos.

This master\'s thesis examines the effects of Brazil\'s economic and political rise on the nation\'s ability to have shaped global order through soft balancing during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the consequent impact on Brazil\'s relations with the United States. In order to contextualize the effects of Brazil\'s soft balancing on international institutions and Brazilian-American relations, this text first reviews the relevant theoretical and empirical literature on the liberal peace (and, conversely, trade-based conflicts), the democratic peace, and the nature and evolution of global governance. In the context of both the liberal peace and global governance, the literature implies the potential either for Brazilian-American cooperation to have grown or for heightened conflict to have arisen from the countries\' opposing interests and quests for influence in the transformation to a multipolar world. Meanwhile, the literature posits the potential for shared values to have promoted bilateral harmony but also points to shortcomings in Brazil\'s democratic consolidation that may have undermined the relevance of democracy as a catalyst for Brazilian-American relations during Lula\'s presidency. The empirical analysis in this text, after briefly examining Brazil\'s past quest for power vis-á-vis the United States and Lula\'s limited expansion of Brazil\'s hard (military) power, focuses on Lula\'s use of soft power as a tool to balance American influence in South America and around the world. Lula pursued a classic middle-power soft-balancing strategy by building regional and global coalitions and leveraging international institutions. Although Lula\'s efforts at coalition-building had somewhat limited effects, Brazil\'s soft-balancing strategy nevertheless succeeded in making Brazil\'s positions more consequential to global governance and American policy. Lula\'s incremental progress in checking American influence and solidifying Brazil\'s status as a middle power generally led to friction between Brazil and the United States, although the two countries were able to maintain constructive relations in areas of shared values and interests. / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa os efeitos da ascensão econômica e política do Brasil sobre a capacidade do país em haver moldado a ordem global via soft balancing durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como o consequente impacto dessa ascensão sobre as relações do Brasil com os Estados Unidos. A fim de contextualizar os efeitos do soft balancing brasileiro em instituições internacionais e nas relações brasileiro-americanas, este texto realiza, primeiramente, uma revisão da literatura teórica e empírica pertinente relativa a paz liberal (e, inversamente, conflitos relacionados ao comércio), a paz democrática e a natureza e evolução da governança global. No contexto tanto da paz liberal quanto da governança global, a literatura sugere o potencial ou de aumento da cooperação entre Brasil-Estados Unidos ou de intensificação do conflito decorrente de interesses divergentes dos países e da busca por influência na transformação para um mundo multipolar. Paralelamente, a literatura indica o potencial de que valores compartilhados tenham promovido harmonia bilateral, mas aponta ainda para as limitações da consolidação democrática do Brasil, cujos efeitos podem ter enfraquecido a importância da democracia como um catalisador das relações brasileiro-americanas durante a presidência de Lula. A parte empírica deste texto, após uma breve análise da história de busca brasileira por poder vis-à-vis aos Estados Unidos e da limitada expansão do hard power (poder militar) brasileiro, foca-se no uso que Lula fez do soft power como forma de contra-balancear a influência americana na América do Sul e ao redor do mundo. Lula adotou uma estratégia clássica de soft balancing de potências intermediárias por meio da construção de coalizões regionais e globais, além da influência em instituições internacionais. Apesar dos limitados resultados dos esforços de Lula em formar coalizões, a estratégia brasileira de soft balancing foi, no entanto, bem sucedida em tornar a posição brasileira mais relevante para a governança global e a política americana. Apesar dos dois países terem sido capazes de manter relações construtivas em áreas de interesse e valores comuns, o progresso crescente de Lula em limitar a influência americana e solidificar a posição brasileira de potência intermediária levou, de maneira geral, a atritos entre Brasil e Estados Unidos.

This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.

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The thesis deals with the causes of emergence of the most important Latin American integration groups in a period since the end of the World War II till the present days. The set of groups consists of ALADI, CAN, SELA, OTCA, MERCOSUR, ACS-AEC, ALBA, UNASUR, CELAC, and the Pacific Alliance. The main goal of the thesis is to discover how did the power predominance of the United States contribute to the emergence of Latin American integration groups. The tested hypothesis is based on the concept of soft balancing, and assumes that the primary cause of emergence of Latin American integration groups was the fear of the power predominance of the United States. The causes of emergence are always examined from the perspective of the historical context and the founding treaty. If needed, other relevant documents are examined as well. Moreover, the thesis deals with the direct predecessors of the selected groups, too. Pursuant to 4 basic criteria, the selected integration groups were divided into 3 categories according to their relevance to represent the region of Latin America as a whole. Thanks to that, the qualitative evaluation of the causes of emergence of the groups could have been done. Apart from an overview of development of the Latin American integration process, the thesis also provides an answer...

土耳其於1952年透過北大西洋公約組織的框架與美國建立同盟關係，在這層合作關係下，土耳其內部卻存在著非常濃厚的反美主義。本研究的目的之一即了解此合作關係下為何存在反美主義情形。研究採用文獻分析法，同時蒐集美國、土耳其智庫民意研究數據，描述土耳其反美主義之變動情形，與了解土耳其對美國之認知。 本研究首先討論何謂反美主義與柔性平衡，並回顧冷戰至歐巴馬時期的土耳其-美國雙邊關係。研究發現土耳其國內在小布希與歐巴馬時期中仍有強烈反美主義之存在，且土耳其國內對威脅的認知與美國不同。本文選用伊拉克戰爭與聯合國安全理事會1929號決議為個案，說明土耳其在反美情緒下之柔性平衡。在國內層次擁有反美主義的狀態下，土國政治菁英需要回應民意需求，因此政府有誘因選擇在國際層次上柔性平衡美國，作為國內層次上民意壓力之宣洩口。將來國際間中等國家對美國的柔性平衡是否增加，甚至形成一集團平衡美國，為未來研究可關注的焦點。 / U.S.-Turkey alliance started from 1952 through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. With this cooperative relationship, however, the existence of Anti-Americanism atmosphere in Turkey was high. One of the research purpose of this study was to realize how this partnership and Anti-American sentiment could coexist. In order to understand this condition, Document Analysis has been used to this study. Also, American and Turkish think-tanks’ public opinion researches served as a description to describe changes in Turkish Anti-Americanism and an illustration to illustrate the perceptions of Turkey. This study first discusses what are “Anti-Americanism” and “Soft Balancing”. It then reviews Turkish-American relations from the Cold War to Obama period. This study finds that in Bush and Obama years, strong Anti-American sentiment still existed in Turkey. Moreover, the two countries have very different perceptions of external threats. The Iraq War and United Nations Security Council Resolution No.1929 are case studies in this thesis. It elaborates how Turkey “soft balance” United States in the international level while strong Anti-American sentiments were intense in domestic level. The middle powers’ soft balancing strategies or the emergence of a potential Anti-U.S. alliance could be research hotspots to focus on in the future.

This dissertation seeks to conceptualise and operationalise the concept of soft balancing in international relations by articulating a “theory of tripartite strategic balancing” which is applicable to both international and regional unipolar systems. It has a twofold purpose: one theoretical and the other empirical. First, it seeks to develop a theory of tripartite strategic balancing which encompasses three forms of strategic balancing: internal, external, and soft balancing. The second part seeks to test the theory’s utility in explaining international political outcomes in the post-Cold War international system. In particular, it seeks to ascertain whether and how “second-tier great powers” have strategically balanced against the United States on a global level since the end of the Cold War. The analyses will focus largely on the foreign policies of Russia and France – the chief soft balancers. However, this dissertation also seeks to extend the concept of soft balancing into the regional level of analysis by examining whether and how minor-regional powers soft balance against regional unipolar leaders. For instance, it will examine whether and how the Russian Federation has been soft balanced against by states in the “European Near Abroad.” The analyses will focus primarily on the foreign policies of Poland – the chief soft balancer in the region. The dissertation will employ three in-depth case studies – the Kosovo Crisis (1999), the Iraqi wars (1991-2003), and the Georgia Crisis (2008) – to verify whether or not tripartite strategic balancing is actually occurring as the theory predicts. It will heavily rely on sources and interviews conducted during my time working at the United Nations Security Council and the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. These findings seek to contribute a more nuanced strand of thinking to the realist paradigm in international relations, and they offer practical implications for both US and Russian foreign policymaking.

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对于中国来说，对大国的渴望不再是这个问题，对邻近的东南亚国家实际上是有重大影响的。因此，近期国际关系奖学金已经引人注目的尝试，将“对冲”理念作为一种流行和根本的动态策略。本论文认为，越南对冲策略的选择是适当的，以便对付与中国的关系，但尚未完全保护越南的国家利益。本论文探讨了这一战略的四个关键组成部分：经济实用主义，硬平衡和软平衡。通过考虑和重新评估这些因素，研究发现了妨碍越南对冲实施的困难。此外，它还分析了大湄公河次区域（GMS）在经济领域的案例研究，以支持对经济实用主义的看法。最终得出结论，尽管越南在采取套期保值策略之后获得了一定的利益，但这些成就产生了国家安全的新风险，这可能会加剧该国在处理南海争端方面的压力。 / For China, the aspiration to great power no longer seems out of the question and this has actually a significant impact for neighboring Southeast Asian states. For this reason, there have been noticeable attempts in recent International Relations scholarship to introduce the concept of ‘hedging’ as a popular and fundamentally dynamic strategy for them. This thesis argues that the choice of Vietnam’s hedging strategy is appropriate so as to manage its relations with China, but has not yet protected Vietnam’s national interests completely. This thesis examines three of four key components of this strategy: economic pragmatism, hard balancing and soft balancing. By considering and reassessing these elements, the study finds difficulties that interfere in the implementation of Vietnam’s hedging. Furthermore, it incorporates an analysis of a case study in the economic realm, Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) in supporting the perceptions of economic pragmatism. Ultimately, it concludes that though Vietnam gains certain interests after adopting hedging strategy, those achievements produce new risks of national security that might increase more pressures for the country in dealing with the South China Sea (SCS) disputes.