Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Zürich, 1977-1978. / Bibliogr. p. 229-233.

Texte remanié de: Ph. D. th.--Aarhus, 1996. / Bibliogr. p. 315-327.

Diss.--Theologische Fakultät--Freiburg i. Br.--Albert-Ludwigs-universität, 1990. / Bibliogr. p. 310-317. Index.

No description available.

Diss.--Neuphilologische Fakultät--Tübingen--Universität, 1989. / Contient de nombreux extraits du "St. Trudperter Hoheslied" en moyen haut allemand, de textes de Bernard de Clairvaux et Guillaume de Saint-Thierry en latin avec trad. et comment. en allemand. Résumé en allemand.

Recent scholarship in biblical interpretation has remained suspicious of the "allegorical" approach to scripture, presumed as common to Medieval Christianity, and Bernard of Clairvaux is often acknowledged as paradigmatic of contemplative exegesis. Bernard's Sermons on the Song of Songs is often alleged to be an ultimate example of the dangers of monastic "allegorizing," in that such an approach lacks any consistency of method and maintains an ideological stance that is suspicious of and ultimately rejects the nature of bodily existence. This thesis counters these claims by utilizing the work of contemporary medievalists, instead of contemporary biblical exegetes, as a lens in a close reading of Bernard's Sermones Super Cantica, as well as his textual interaction with Peter Abelard and Peter the Venerable. This thesis suggests that Bernard is consistent in his method of performative reading and holds bodily existence as vital to the monastic and broader Christian way of life.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

One of the great paradoxes of the medieval period is the Albigensian Crusade (1209-1225), in which monks of the Cistercian Order took an active and violent role in campaigning against the heretics of the Languedoc. Why, and how, did this order officially devoted to prayer and contemplation become one of the prime orchestrators of one of medieval Europe’s most gruesome affairs? This thesis seeks to answer that question, not by looking at the crusading Cistercians themselves, but at their predecessor Bernard of Clairvaux, who—I will argue—made the Albigensian Crusade possible by making it permissible for monks to intervene in the world outside the cloister. The logic of this thesis is as follows. Bernard of Clairvaux lived in a world in which monastics had a certain spiritual authority that granted them special privileges over ecclesiastics (Chapter II). The Cistercian Order itself, even before Bernard became their prime mover and shaker, used these privileges to cultivate contacts beyond monastic borders (Chapter IV), and once Bernard became a prominent abbot himself, his desire to do good and criticisms of the outside world (Chapter VI) led him to intervene in various endeavors (Chapter V). These interventions drew backlash from other monastics and ecclesiastics, which then required justification in order to reconcile the vita passiva and Bernard’s active lifestyle (Chapter VII). These justifications, along with Bernard’s justifications of violence (Chapter VIII), came to more broadly characterize the Cistercian Order as a whole (Chapters I, IV), and thus the ideological material to justify monastic holy war was all present in eloquently defended and rapturously accepted form by the time Henry of Clairvaux took a castle during his 1281 preaching mission turned mini-crusade (Chapter IX). With all of this built into the Cistercian DNA, Arnaud Amaury found it very easy to lead a crusade in 1212. Could he have done this without Bernard’s example paving the way and ingraining such lessons in Cistercian thought? It is my contention that he could not have.

À l’origine, l’iconographie chrétienne a été influencée par les textes apocryphes qui décrivaient Joseph sous un jour négatif. Dans les scènes de Nativités, il était le plus souvent relégué au registre inférieur, de petite taille, séparé de l’Enfant par la Vierge et semblait dormir. Parallèlement, le culte marial a occupé très tôt une place considérable dans la foi des fidèles et dans la vie de l’Église. Les hérésies récurrentes, contestant notamment la virginité de Marie, ont encore aggravé cette situation. Toutefois, Bernard de Clairvaux jugea que Dieu ne pouvait avoir choisi pour Elle et l’Enfant à naître un compagnon médiocre. Il en dressa donc un portrait nouveau et enrichi. Puis, le texte des Meditationes Vitae Christi présenta Joseph comme un modèle pour les hommes soucieux de vivre selon les principes du Poverello. Les dessins du manuscrit Lat. 115 de la BnF illustrent cette nouvelle perception du personnage propagée à travers l’Europe dans le sillage des Frères mineurs. Par la suite, le retable d’Hoogstraten –peut-être copie d’une œuvre de Campin- confirme l’intérêt qui lui était désormais accordé et Gerson tenta alors de convaincre l’Église d’honorer Joseph dans la liturgie. / Originally the Christian iconography was largely influenced by apocryphal texts that painted Joseph in a negative light. In the Nativity scenes, he was often relegated to an inferior status, smaller in size, separated form the Infant by the Virgin and seemingly asleep. In parallel, marian worship occupied very rapidly a large part of the belief among the faithful and in the life of the Church. The heresies contesting the virginity of Mary made the situation even worse. Despite this, Bernard de Clairvaux judged that God would no have chosen a mediocre companion for Her and the Baby to be born. He gave him a new and enriched profile. Then, the text of the Meditationes Vitae Christi presented Joseph as a model for men wanting to live by the principles of Poverello. The sketches of the manuscript Lat. 115 of the BnF illustrate perfectly this new perfection of his character that was also spread through Europe in the wake of the Mineur brethren. Thereafter, the altarpiece of Hoogstraten –perhaps copied from a work of Campin- confirms the importance that he was now granted and Gerson tried to convince the Church to establish a festival in his honour in the liturgical calendar.