Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis discusses ethical dilemmas faced by district surgeons in South Africa. District surgeons render clinical forensic services, which means that they deal mainly with detainees and victims of crime. The main functions of district surgeons are the collection of forensic evidence from patients and the care of detainees. So the focus is to assist in the administration of justice rather than improvement of patient wellbeing. The district surgeon may therefore find himself in a situation where patients’ interests are in conflict with those of law enforcement agencies. Being a medical practitioner in clinical forensic medicine, the district surgeon has an obligation to assist in the administration of justice, as opposed to the traditional obligation to care for patients and put patient’s interests first. This allegiance to both administration of justice as well as patient wellbeing lead to an ethical dilemma of dual loyalties. A dual obligations presents an ethical dilemma for the district surgeon, especially if they are in conflict and mutually exclusive. I discuss the detention and subsequent death of Steve Biko to illustrate how dual obligations can lead to serious human rights violations and even death. Dual obligations are however not limited to detainees and police custody settings, and I demonstrate this by discussing three other scenarios commonly encountered by district surgeons. There is a lack clear guidance for district surgeons who are faced with a conflict of obligations. I explore several ethical theories including consequentialism, deontology and virtue ethics, in search of an ethical framework suitable for resolving conflicts in clinical forensic medicine. I therefore argue that a duty based ethical framework is central to clinical forensic medicine and the resolution of loyalty conflicts. I recommend the resolution of conflicts by using an approach developed by Benjamin (2006). This approach involves weighing -up the different duties in conflict, applying philosophical reasoning and then amelioration. By adopting a structured and wellreasoned ethical framework, district surgeons will be able to deal with conflicts of obligations better. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bespreek etiese dilemmas wat in die gesig gestaar word deur distriksgeneeshere in Suid-Afrika. Distriksgeneeshere lewer kliniese forensiese dienste, wat beteken dat hulle handel hoofsaaklik oor die gevangenes en slagoffers van misdaad. Die belangrikste funksies van distriksgeneeshere is die insameling van forensiese getuienis van pasiënte, en die sorg van gevangenes. Met hierdie benadering is die fokus om te help met die administratiewe doeleindes van geregtigheid, eerder as die verbetering van die pasiënt se welstand. Die distriksgeneesheer kan hom dus in 'n situasie vind waarby die pasiënte se belange in konflik is met dié van wetstoepassingsagentskappe. As 'n geneesheer in kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, het die distriksgeneesheer 'n verpligting om te help met die administrasie van geregtigheid, in teenstelling met die tradisionele verpligting om te sorg vir hul pasiënte, en hul welstand eerste te plaas. Hierdie getrouheid gaan gepaard met beide regspleging, sowel as die welstand van die pasiënt, wat kan lei tot 'n etiese dilemma van dubbele lojaliteit. Dubbele verpligtinge bied 'n etiese dilemma vir die distriksgeneesheer, veral as hulle in konflik en wedersyds uitsluitend is. Ek bespreek die aanhouding en die daaropvolgende dood van Steve Biko om te illustreer hoe dubbele verpligtinge kan lei tot ernstige skending van menseregte en selfs die dood. Dubbele verpligtinge is egter nie beperk tot die gevangenes en polisie-aanhouding instellings nie, en ek demonstreer dit deur die bespreking van drie ander “scenario's” wat oor die algemeen eervaar word deur distriksgeneeshere. Daar is 'n gebrek aan duidelike riglyne vir distriksgeneeshere wat 'n botsing van verpligtinge in die gesig staar. Ek verken verskeie etiese teorieë insluitende konsekwensialisme, deontologie en deugde-etiek, op soek na 'n etiese raamwerk geskik vir die oplossing van konflikte in kliniese geregtelike geneeskunde. Ek argumenteer dus dat 'n pligsgebaseerde etiese raamwerk sentraal is tot kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, en die resolusie van lojaliteit konflikte. Ek beveel die oplossing van konflikte deur die gebruik van 'n benadering wat ontwikkel is deur Benjamin (2006). Hierdie benadering behels 'n gewigsoorweging tussen die verskillende pligte in konflik, die toepassing van filosofiese redenasie en verbetering. Deur die aanneming van 'n gestruktureerde en beredeneerde etiese raamwerk, sal distriksgeneeshere dus in staat wees om konflikte van verpligtinge beter te hanteer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the ways in which the censors during the apartheid era responded to the works of three black liberation theorists; namely Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve Biko. Although other studies of apartheid‐era censorship have been published, this is the first to examine the censors’ reactions to the work of key African liberation writers. Apartheid in South Africa brought with it a stringent system of governance, which included a board of censors who would decide, according their interpretation of the laws of the time, whether a publication was considered to be “desirable” or “not undesirable.” One of the major themes examined in the thesis is the interface and tension between the specific and the transnational. As we shall see, all three liberation theorists put forward Pan‐African ideas of liberation, but often explicated upon the specificities of their particular liberation struggles. In a strange act of mirroring, while upholding the idea of South Africa as “a special case” (exempt from the norms of international human rights law), the apartheid‐era censors were concerned about the spread of Pan‐African theories of liberation. Beginning with Fanon, I speculate on the reason why Black Skin White Masks was not banned in South Africa, though Fanon’s later works to enter the country were banned. I also examine Gillo Pontecorvo’s film The Battle of Algiers, which was influenced by Fanon’s theories, and censorship, arguing that the “likely readers” or “likely viewers” of revolutionary material included not only possible revolutionaries, but also paranoid networks of counterinsurgency. I then move on to examine the apartheid censors’ responses to the works of Amilcar Cabral, outlining the interface and tension between local and continental as described above. The final chapter, which deals with the censors’ responses to Steve “Bantu” Biko’s I Write What I Like as well as Donald Wood’s Biko, the film Cry Freedom and other Biko related texts and memorabilia, has some surprises about the supposedly “liberal” censors’ responses to what they deemed to be “undesirable” and “not undesirable” literature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die manier waarop die sensuurraad tydens die apartheidera gereageer het op die werk van drie swart bevrydingsteoretici, by name Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral en Steve Biko. Hoewel daar wel ander studies oor apartheidera‐sensuur die gepubliseer is, is hierdie die eerste studie wat die sensuurraad se reaksie op die werk van sleutel‐Afrikabevrydingskrywers verken. Apartheid het ‘n streng beheerstelsel in Suid‐Afrika tot gevolg gehad wat ‘n sensuurraad ingesluit het wat volgens sy interpretasie van die toenmalige wette kon besluit of ‘n publikasie “wenslik” of “nie‐wenslik” was. Een van die hooftemas wat in hierdie tesis ondersoek word is die interaksie en spanning tussen die spesifieke en die transnasionale. Soos sal blyk, het al drie bevrydingsteoretici Pan‐Afrikanistiese idees van bevryding ondersteun, maar dikwels die besondere van hul spesifieke bevrydingstryd uiteengesit. Die apartheidera‐sensors se kommer oor die verspreiding van die Pan‐ Afrikanistiese bevrydingsteorië, terwyl hulle die idee van Suid‐Afrika as “’n spesiale geval” (vrygestel van die norme van internasionale menseregtewetgewing) voorgehou het, was ‘n ironiese spieëlbeeld hiervan. Ek begin by Fanon en bespiegel oor die redes waarom Black Skin White Masks nooit in Suid‐Afrika verbied was nie hoewel Fanon se latere werk wat die land binnegekom het, wel verbied was. Ek ondersoek ook Gillo Pontecorvo se film The Battle of Algiers wat deur Fanon se teorië beïnvloed is, en argumenteer dat die “waarskynlike lesers” en “waarskynlike kykers” van revolusionêre materiaal nie slegs moontlike revolusionêre ingesluit het nie, maar ook paranoïede netwerke van teeninsurgensie. Ek gaan voort deur die reaksie van die apartheidera‐sensors op die werke van Amilcar Cabral te ondersoek en die interaksie en spanning tussen die plaaslike en die kontinentale, soos hierbo beskryf, uit te lig. Die slothoofstuk, wat handel oor die sensuurraad se reaksie op Steve “Bantu” Biko se I Write What I Like, asook Donald Woods se Biko, die film Cry Freedom en ander Biko‐verwante tekste en memorabilia, bevat verrassings omtrent die sogenaamde “liberale” sensors se reaksies op wat hulle as “wenslike” en “nie‐wenslike” literatuur beskou het.

The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.

This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

This study focuses on Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology, with particular emphasis on the themes of blackness, black solidarity and liberation. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is Africana existential phenomenology, which is used as a lens to understand Biko’s political thought. The study argues that thematic areas of blackness, black solidarity, and liberation are inherent in Africana existential phenomenology. These thematic areas give a better understanding of existential questions of being black in the antiblack world. What is highlighted is the importance and the relevance of the revival of Biko’s thinking towards creating other modes of being that are necessary for the actualisation of blacks as full human subjects. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)