Orientador: Célia Regina Rossi / Banca: Claudete de Sousa Nogueira / Banca: Elisabete Figueroa dos Santos / Resumo: A adolescência, culturalmente construída, ocorre de forma simultânea à puberdade, período marcado por intensas mudanças físicas e psicológicas. É na adolescência que a pessoa está mais sensível e atenta para o modo como sua imagem corporal é julgada, fato que pode interferir diretamente na construção de sua autoestima. Para adolescentes negros, ainda há a intersecção da questão racial. Assim, além de ter a autoestima influenciada pelas mudanças hormonais e emocionais, adolescentes negros podem ter sua autoimagem fragilizada pelas situações de racismo vivenciadas na infância e perpetuadas na adolescência. Realizando um recorte ainda mais específico, podemos dizer que as questões de gênero também são fatores importantes que influenciam na autoestima e imagem corporal de adolescentes do gênero feminino, uma vez que há um ideal de beleza branco estabelecido na sociedade brasileira. Entendendo que adolescentes negras trazem em seus corpos marcas da intersecção das opressões de gênero, raça e classe, buscamos compreender como, e se, o racismo afeta as vivências afetivo-sexuais de adolescentes negras periféricas. Para isso, entrevistamos seis adolescentes negras, moradoras do distrito do Grajaú, localizado na periferia do extremo sul da cidade de São Paulo. As entrevistas ocorreram em dois momentos: inicialmente com entrevistas individuais utilizando como recurso metodológico a História de Vida e, por fim realizamos um Grupo Focal de Finalização com a presença de todas as adolescent... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Adolescense, culturally built, occurs simultaneously with puberty, a period marked by intense physical and psychological changes. Is in the adolescence that the person is more sensitive and attempt to how your body image is judged, fact that can directly interfere in your self esteem construction. For black adolescents, there is still the intersection of racial question. Thus, besides having the self esteem influenced by emotional and hormonal changes, black adolescents can have your self image fragilized by racism questions lived in childhood and disturbed in adolescence. Making an even more specific cut, we can say that gender questions can also be important factors that influence in self esteem and body image of female gender adolescents, once there is a white beauty ideal stabilized upon brazilian society. Comprehending that black black adolescents bring in their bodies marks of the intersection of gender, race and social class oppression, we seek to understand how, and if, racism affects the affective-sexual experiences of black peripheral adolescents. For this, we interviewed six black adolescents, living in the Grajaú district, located on the outskirts of the southern tip of the city of São Paulo. The interviews occured in two moments: initially with individual interviews using as a methodological resource the History of Life and, finally, we held a Finalization Focus Group with the presence of all the adolescents. Both the individual interviews and the Focus Group wer... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Orientador: Dagoberto José Fonseca / Banca: Eva Aparecida da Silva / Banca: Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos / Resumo: Esta dissertação trata as considerações do pensamento político de Hannah Arendt e o pensar do negro no Brasil, compreendido a partir de cientistas sociais negros brasileiros. Há fortes indícios que a compreensão do pensamento político de Arendt constitui peça-chave na modernidade para o entendimento da construção do ódio racial. A forma como a autora descreve a construção do fenômeno totalitário na política, é um viés plural de possibilidades para o entendimento da gênese do racismo moderno. A liberdade como compreensão política da experiência humana, inaugurada na dimensão da natalidade, revela, quando posta em cheque, contra a população negra, o grande compromisso da vontade humana instituída nas lutas de libertação e nos movimentos sociais advindos daí. Por sua vez, o reconhecimento do pensar na dimensão afro-brasileira representa um pressuposto original na construção de valores inerentes à condição humana da representação política, exercício este de cidadania na busca do consenso quanto à superação do ódio racial construído, bem como na desconstrução de formas hegemônicas de dominação cultural, política e econômica contra a população negra. A escolha de lastrear a pesquisa com a cientista política Hannah Arendt possui como fundamento o objeto do estudo histórico e ideológico. Não prescinde, por sua vez, da contribuição e da força ideológica das mulheres negras, que com o olhar crítico ultrapassa a zona de conforto da naturalização do preconceito racial contra a população ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This dissertation deals with the considerations of the political thought of Hannah Arendt and the thinking of the Negro in Brazil understood from black Brazilian social scientists. There is strong evidence that Arendt's understanding of political thought is a key piece in modernity for understanding the construction of racial hatred. The way the author describes the construction of the totalitarian phenomenon in politics is a bias of possibilities for understanding the genesis of modern racism. Freedom as a political understanding of human experience, inaugurated in the birth dimension, reveals the great commitment of the human will instituted in the struggles of liberation and in the social movements arising from it, when put in check against the black population. In turn, the recognition of thinking about the Afro-Brazilian dimension represents an original assumption in the construction of values inherent to the human condition of political representation, this exercise of citizenship in the search for consensus regarding the overcoming of racial hatred built, as well as the deconstruction of forms hegemonic policies of cultural, political and economic domination against the black population. The choice of backing the research with the political scientist Hannah Arendt is based on the object of historical and ideological study. It does not ignore, in turn, the contribution and ideological strength of black women, among many others who with the critical eye that surpasses th... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

In June of 1844, James D. Saules, a black sailor turned farmer living in Oregon's Willamette Valley, was arrested and convicted for allegedly inciting Indians to violence against a settler named Charles E. Pickett. Three years earlier, Saules had deserted the United States Exploring Expedition, married a Chinookan woman, and started a freight business on the Columbia River. Less than two months following Saules' arrest, Oregon's Provisional Government passed its infamous "Lash Law," banning the immigration of free black people to the region. While the government repealed the law in 1845, Oregon passed a territorial black exclusion law in 1849 and included a black exclusion clause in its 1857 state constitution. Oregon's territorial delegate also convinced the U.S. Congress to exclude black people from the 1850 Donation Land Act. In each case, Oregon politicians suggested the legacy of the Saules case by stressing the need to prevent black men, particularly sailors, from coming to Oregon and collaborating with local indigenous groups to commit acts of violence against white settlers. This thesis explains the unusual persistence of black exclusion laws in Oregon by focusing on the life of Saules, both before and after white American settlers came to the region in large numbers. Black exclusion in Oregon was neither an anomalous byproduct of American expansion nor a means to prevent slavery from taking root in the region. Instead, racial exclusion was central to the land-centered settler colonial project in the Pacific Northwest. Prior to the Americanization of the Pacific Northwest, the region was home to a cosmopolitan and increasingly fluid culture that incorporated various local Native groups, exogenous fur industry workers, and missionaries. This was a milieu made possible by colonialism and the rise of merchant capitalism during the Age of Sail, a period which lasted from the sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. This was also likely a world very familiar to Saules, who had spent his entire adult life aboard ships and in various seaports. However, the American immigrants who began arriving in Oregon in the early 1840s sought to dismantle this multiethnic social order, privatize land, and create a homogenous settler society based on classical republican principles. And although Saules was born in the United States, American settlers, emboldened by a racialist ideology, denied most non-whites a place in their settler society. Furthermore, during the early decades of resettlement, white American settlers often felt vulnerable to attacks from the preexisting population. Therefore, many settlers viewed free black men like Saules, a worldly sailor with connections among Native people, as potential threats to the security of their nascent communities.