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The evolution of black economic empowerment in South Africa : a case study of New Africa Investments Limited.Moodley, Narushka. January 2005
This thesis investigates the process of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) in South Africa with specific focus on New Africa Investment Limited (Nail), a company that had a firm foothold in the media industry, between 1993 and 2003. Black Economic Empowerment has become the cornerstone of South Africa's transformation process. The initiative is a form of regulation through which the economic imbalances of apartheid can be corrected by economically empowering previously disadvantaged communities1• Over the years the concept of Black Economic Empowerment has become a heavily contested and debatable one, both in the economic and political realms. This study explores how and why these contestations arise. In doing it analyses the various positions advocated by government, black empowerment groups, social movements and other empowerment groups in South Africa. In addition, it examines the impact these conflicts have had on the economic equality the Black Economic Empowerment aims to achieve. New Africa Investment Limited has also been at the centre of ·controversy with the company's empowerment status being called into question by both the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) and other empowerment groups. The nature and structure of NAIL is examined with a particular focus on the history from which the company emerged in order to assess whether NAIL fits into the model of a black empowerment company. The failure of BEE to reach its desired goals during the first years of its implementation has lead to some people calling for the withdrawal of the initiative completely. It is argued within this dissertation that one cannot dismiss the good intentions, with which the initiative was implemented, i.e. the empowerment of the historically disadvantaged people in South Africa. At the same time it is acknowledged that in practice the initiative did not achieve this goal. The BEE strategy needs to be integrated into the wider developmental strategy of South Africa. It needs to be broad-based, able to reach and change the lives of the poor black man on the street. Improving education, health care, and job creation should be placed first and foremost on the BEE agenda. The study is located within Vincent Mosco's (1996) political economy approach, which looks at the market as influenced, by the larger society and government. In addition it adopts a media economics approach, which deals with the economic relationships between media, producers, advertisers and society. This approach is useful because it explores issues pertaining to the markets and competition within which BEE is expected to occur. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.
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From pavement entrepreneurs to stock exchange capitalists: the case of the South African black business classMaseko, Sipho Sibusiso January 2000 (has links)
The evolution of policy regarding the black bourgeoisie -- Issues in the struggle for black capitalism -- The roles and effects of NAFCOC (National African Federation Chamber of Commerce) and FABCOS (Foundation of Business and Consumer Service) -- The development of black capitalists in the urban areas -- Constraints on, and the performances of black entrepreneurs -- 'Normalisation' of the economic playing field.
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Black consciousness revived: the rise of black consciousness thinking in South African student politicsSikhosana, Nompumelelo Pertunia January 2017 (has links)
University of the Witwatersrand
Faculty of Humanities
Political Studies
Master’s Research Report, February 2017 / The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements.
Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns.
The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness. / MT2018
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Gesture and speech in the oral narratives of Sesotho and Mamelodi Lingo speakersNtuli, Nonhlanhla January 2016 (has links)
Dissertation submitted to the Department of African Languages and Linguistics
in fulfilment of the requirement for Master of Art's Degree in Humanities
The University of the Witwatersrand, School of Literature, Language and Media, March 2016 / The gradual decline in the use of Black South African languages (BSALs) has been a concern for the past 20 years in both the South African civil population and academia. The last census data of 2011 informs this phenomenon by showing how language use has changed nationally over the years. In an effort to counter this decline, some researchers have called for the improvement of existing non-standard language varieties, which could serve to improve some of these decreasing Black South African languages (Ditsele, 2014). Non-standard language varieties are ‘languages’ largely spoken in black townships around South Africa. They are sometimes referred to as stylects, sociolets or speech varieties, due to their structures and functions (Bembe & Beukes, 2007). Applying a psycholinguistic approach, this study seeks to compare the standard language Sesotho to a non-standard language variety, Mamelodi Lingo. This study looks at the discursive behaviour focusing on speech and gesture.
Previous literature on South African language varieties focuses on the semantic and pragmatic description of the words in use (Calteaux, 1996; Hurst, 2008; 2015; Rudwick, 2005; Ditsele, 2014), and very few have incorporated co-speech gesture, which form an integral part of non-language varieties (Brookes, 2001; 2005).
The present study presents the results of an empirical investigation that compares 20 narratives produced by Sesotho and Mamelodi Lingo speakers. Using the methodology used in the elicitation of speech and gesture by Colletta et al., (2009; 2015), participants watched a speechless short cartoon and were then asked to retell the story they had seen to the interviewer. Using the language annotation tool, ELAN narratives were annotated for language complexity, length, and type of clause, syntax, as well as story grammar memory-recall. Narratives were also annotated for gesture: type of gesture and function of gesture. The focus was on the discursive performance of speech and gesture. Results show a significant use of meta-narrative clauses from the language variety compared to the standard language as well as a higher use of non-representational gestures by the non-standard language. The findings also show an interesting use of interactive co-speech gestures when retrieving lexical items that are not present in the repertoire of Mamelodi Lingo / GR2017
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“Loxion management”: social networks and precarious economies, a case study of TembisaMabena, Gugulethu January 2017 (has links)
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts by Coursework and Research Report
Faculty of Humanities
University of the Witwatersrand, 2017 / This research project was designed with the aim of understanding how tailoring a
particular township experience known as “loxion management” in a Gauteng township
of Tembisa could insert more knowledge and re-envision literature on precarity. This
project hopes to not only re-envision “loxion management” as a possible intersection
between the labour market and township life but to also unpack the intricacies within
this idiom. With attempting to unpack this idiom, most participants and external
conversations to this research project revealed an assortment of terms used in the
township which have the possibility to obscure an understanding of what “loxion
management” really encapsulates. Therefore, this research project highlights that a
misinterpretation of the terms glosses over the significant undertones permeating
experiences of this idiom. Thus, it argues that “loxion management” is an idiom which
has been loosely defined in the township, which not only serves as a circuitous network
contributing to social cohesion amongst men but also as a site where employment
information, even of a precarious nature circulates.
Key words: loxion management, precarity, Post-apartheid township life, unemployment,
labour market, masculinity, “conduits”, circuitous network, social ties. / GR2018
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The "political economy" of Alexandra Township, 1905-1958Tourikis, P. N. 13 June 2014 (has links)
Thesis (B.A. (Hons.))--University of the Witwatersrand, 1985.
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Permanent juniority: black youth politics in the Vaal under late colonisationNdlozi, Mbuyiseni Quintin January 2017 (has links)
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 / This thesis examines how the political subjectivity of black youth took shape within the violent period of late colonialism in South Africa known as apartheid. As a historico-philosophical inquiry that aims to understand the historical modalities of subject formation and political practice, the thesis is grounded in extensive original research on black youth politics in the townships of the Vaal region south of Johannesburg during the 1980s and early 1990s. At the same time, the thesis interprets the findings of that historical research through a critical engagement with the philosophical work of various thinkers (including Hegel, Nietzsche, Benjamin, Foucault, Fanon, Mamdani, Mbembe, Zizek and Maldonado-Torres, among others) in an effort to address the problem of freedom in relation to the black subject under colonial and post-colonial rule. The thesis shows how colonial authority and governance both posits and aims to reproduce what I call the ‘permanent juniority’ of blacks generally, and of black youth in particular. Key sites for the exercise of such authority and governance in the townships under apartheid included the street and the school, where blacks were subjected to social, infrastructural and disciplinary violence. In examining one ‘Bantu’ high school in depth, I show how black youth were subjected to what I call a ‘pedagogy of offence’ – a mode of socialisation and discipline based on the premise that black youth, merely by virtue of being black, are always already guilty of breaching the socio-political order and are therefore addressed as delinquents. The thesis shows how a collective black youth subject constituted itself in revolt against this disciplinary regime. In the course of this revolt, the figure of the outlaw comrade, or ‘com-tsotsi’, emerged, occupying an ambiguous position between political resistance and illegal criminality. This figure is shown to have a genealogy originating in slavery and the Frontier Wars in the Cape, and extending to the early period of mining and industrial capitalism in Johannesburg. In the concluding chapters, which explore the underground activities of Self-Defence Units as violence on the Vaal reached its apogee in the early 1990s, the thesis probes the ethical ambiguity that emerges when violence is used in the service of a politics of love and emancipation. Here, I argue that the constitution of a collective black youth political subject in revolt also suggests a theory of black emancipation: of subjectivity beyond object-hood, of political love and everyday life beyond colonial violence and death, and of a political optimism oriented toward freedom. / XL2018
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Responses of selected enterprises to the amended broad-based black economic empowerment legislation in Cape Town, South AfricaForbes, Jolette January 2018 (has links)
Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018. / Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) has been the epitome of policy reform pervading South Africa (SA) since 1994, the end of apartheid. Often making media headlines, it inherently arrogates itself to all stakeholders engaged in commerce with/within SA. The impetus for the study ensued owing to recent (2013) changes to the B-BBEE legislative landscape. More specifically, the focus of the study was on one segment: Qualifying Small Enterprises (QSEs), operating within the same realm as Small Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs). The rationale for such a focus stemmed from this market segment’s seemingly rigid response to such change, deemed to support this study’s results. The literature review embarked upon in Chapters 2 to 4, that is, collecting secondary data, provided for a solid foundation relative to a subject matter embedded with technical jargon and often driven by highly emotive/subjective inputs from stakeholders. The literature primarily drew from untested assumptions: these were mainly due to the high degree of contentiousness surrounding B-BBEE as subject matter, the lack of research (statistical results) relative to B-BBEE legislative change and more specifically, the lack of the latter relative to this study’s scope. The above introduction initiates the notion of there being inherent demarcations to this study, dictating the most relevant research design and methodology suited thereto. A pragmatic research philosophy was adopted, owing to its qualitative, exploratory enquiry. Furthermore, the unit of analysis, consisting of 16 samples, was conveniently selected. Although convenience sampling was regarded the most suitable approach to collecting data, it gave rise to the study’s biggest limitation: its inability to generalise findings. On that note, its findings were in line with the researcher’s precedential assumption upon its initiation: legislative change to Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) for Qualifying Small Enterprises (QSEs) lead(s) to non-compliance and impeded transformation goals. The results give rise to a plethora of valuable insights into the dynamics of the industry, not only for strategic direction to be set for/by stakeholders on both a micro and macro level, but also providing a solid foundation relative to further research to be embarked upon – a notion highly advocated in supporting the integration of sustainable transformation in modern South Africa (SA).
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Let us speak of freedomUniversity of the Western Cape, Department of History January 1900 (has links)
The struggle reaches back to the days of the first white settlement in our country. In this chapter we will look at some of these traditions of our struggle. We will learn more about the people who were in South Africa when the settlers came, and how they fought bravely to live in peace on their land. We will also read about the many changes that happened, particularly after diamonds and gold were discovered and how people continued to struggle against the new conditions that made their lives even harder. / “We call the farmers of the reserves and trust lands. Let us speak of the wide land, and the narrow strips on which we toil. Let us speak of brothers without land, and of children without schooling. Let us speak of taxes and of cattle, and of famine. LET US SPEAK OF FREEDOM.”
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The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South AfricaRyklief, Cheryl Cecelia January 1996 (has links)
This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. / Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
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