This thesis examines Anglo-Kuwaiti patron-client relations between 1957-1963 using substantial archival material from Britain and the United States. The thesis has contributed to the literature of Anglo-Kuwaiti relations and to the theory of international clientelism. The theoretical model was applied to both primary and secondary source material linked to Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. This combined with a traditional diplomatic historical approach to the thesis, produced a number of conclusions and highlighted a number of themes that dominated Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. The themes that dominated the actors in this period included the increased internationalisation of the Gulf, the importance of Kuwaiti oil and sterling deposits to Britain, Arab nationalism and the influence of Nasser, the problem of over-flying rights, strategic concerns, Cold War tensions, the decline in British power and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Another important theme explored throughout the thesis is Kuwait's emerging statehood, implemented by the al-Sabah by the joining of Kuwait to various international organisations. Insecurity often evoked foreseeable policy responses from the client, and many actions of other states produced likely, if not always predictable, reactions of both patron and client. The model of clientelism gave substance to these decisions. In the case of the client, Kuwait, goals of internal autonomy with external security were both expected and observed. The c1ientelist model depicted clearly Anglo-Kuwaiti relations. The principle argument of the thesis developed from the contention that patrons facing a decline in power in the international system use clientelism to bolster their economic position. But a reduction in asymmetry of power with the client ensures that the relationship declines. In the case of Britain and Kuwait, as British power declined, its interests in Kuwait became more economic and financial than political and strategic. In a broader context a transformation of this s011 is generally to be looked for as a great power declines.

The thesis is based upon a belief that it is possible to obtain a clearer understanding of the causes, consequences and complexities of British Fascism through studying the process of politicization, from childhood to full Fascist political consciousness, of Mosley's Director of Publicity and Propaganda in the British Union of Fascists - Arthur Kenneth Chesterton, M.C. (1899-1973). In order to trace through the exact nature of Chesterton's road to Fascism, those events and ideas which can be seen as crucial to his ideological evolution are highlighted. These include his childhood, spent amidst the jingoistic patriotism, overt racism and covert anti-Semitism of fin de siecle South Africa; his cloistered private education in England (1911-1914); his dreadful and yet uplifting experiences of war, while still intellectually and emotionally a child; the bleak disillusionment of peace - his return to South Africa in 1919, where he was faced with the realities of Afrikaner nationalism and white trade unionism, in opposition to Chesterton's beloved British Empire, which drew Chesterton into armed conflict under most unhappy circumstances; his return to England in 1924 and immersion in the small-minded world of provincial journalism; his development of a romantic literary intellectualism which led him to the transfer of essentially metaphysical values into the realm of political analysis; and finally the impact of Fascist ideology itself, with its extreme xenophobia, cultural nationalism, mystical historicism and rabid anti-Semitism. The result is a portrait of Chesterton which explains his motivation in terms of a complex mix of personal, intellectual, and contextual forces,and thus demythologises the man, removing the easy-to-manage hate figure and replacing him with a complicated figure of tragic contradictions. A comparison of Chesterton's Fascist beliefs with those of Mosley and William Joyce reveals that each was motivated by different obsessions, suggesting that inter-war Fascism was a coalition of many strands of opinion, held loosely together by certain common assumptions.

This thesis seeks to examine the Europeanizing themes of the spread of charters, the adoption of common European names and the interaction of the chivalric ‘aristocratic diaspora’ with local landholding society through the methodology of prosopography. The role of aristocratic landholders as grantor, witnesses and recipients of charters was studied, based on an analysis of the texts of over 1500 aristocratic, royal and ecclesiastical documents relating to Scotland north of Forth, dating from circa 1100 to circa 1260. The Appendix is a list of all non-royal, non-ecclesiastical (or ‘private’) charters, agreements, brieves and similar documents, catalogued herein for the first time. The results of this study are two-fold. First, the thesis involves a degree of reappraisal, in which phenomena which were seen previously as pertaining to either ‘native’ or ‘Norman’ trends are instead examined as part of a single Scottish society. Second, this thesis offers several new findings based on the prosopographical analysis of the charter material, which help to hone our understanding for how Europeanization worked in Scotland. It is now clear that, while the adoption of charters should certainly be seen as a Europeanizing trend, their use by aristocratic landholders followed several stages, none of which adhered to any ethnic bias. This study reveals the prominence of networks in spreading charter use, including one focused around Countess Ada and other related countesses, in the early stages of aristocratic charter use. Furthermore, the important component of Europeanization, whereby ‘peripheral’ peoples took up common European personal names, can be qualified in the case of Scotland north of Forth, where the society was already characterised by a diverse intermixing of Gaelic, Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon names, and where certain Gaelic names were not only maintained by ‘native’ families, but also adopted by immigrant knights. This thesis shows that the practice of using personal names as evidence for ethnicity does not hold up to close scrutiny. Moreover, the aristocratic diaspora for Scottish earls was a two-way street, and some earls and other Scottish nobles married into some of the most powerful families in western Europe. On the other hand, immigration of knights into Scotland north of Forth resulted in the creation of a new baronial class, one which also incorporated various types of ‘native’ Scottish landholder. Indeed, even in regions like the Mearns, where the king had a free hand, landholding was balanced between local and immigrant families. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, this study has verified that the notion that Scotland had ‘no institutionalised apartheid’ was not merely a legal technicality, but a fundamental characteristic of the society. Landholding patterns reveal no evidence of ethnic separation; neither does analysis of assemblies, courts, civil legal proceedings and processes of perambulation. Instead, power was exercised by a diverse aristocratic class. The nature of Europeanization in Scotland is distinct and special, and serves as a fascinating case study of an aristocratic society that was transformed, but in some ways on its own terms.

Having established the antiquity of dentistry and its relationship to medicine, this thesis examines its development in Scotland from the unique origins in Glasgow of the Royal Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons and the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh, to the legitimization of the profession by State intervention in 1921. Although an LDS qualification was available in 1860 from the Royal College of Surgeons, England, the introduction of the Dentists Act of 1878 and the establishment of a Register, brought about through the efforts of the Reform Movement, did not eradicate the practice of dentistry by the unregistered. Their numbers continued to multiply as a result of urban migration, socio-economic changes and industrialisation. Changes in the dietary habits of the Scottish people and in the methods of food production, contributed to an increase in the prevalence of dental caries as well as in the demand for dental treatment among all classes of the population, as epidemiological surveys and Government inquiries showed. The introduction of a school dental service resulted, when attention was focused on the poor dental standards of the recruits following the defeats of the British Forces in the Boer Wars. The resultant Government inquiry into the state of dentistry revealed the deplorable state of the nation's teeth and the inability of the Scottish working classes and the disadvantaged to afford dental treatment from qualified practitioners. In the aftermath of the 1914-18 War, public opinion was conducive to the idea of social welfare and public health thus paving the way for the legalization by the State of the dental profession by virtue of the Dentists Act of 1921.

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The two centuries from 1818 to 2004 cover profound social and economic changes in what was, for much of the period, the most powerful country in the world. Britain led the way in moving capital and labour out of agriculture and into newer industries, such as coal-mining, textiles and transportation. The changes were accompanied by deep institutional changes, especially in the franchise. The rate of change is remarkable: within seventy years Britain was almost completely democratic, in contrast to the 'rotten boroughs' and virtual feudalism of the pre- 1832 unreformed Parliaments. The changes are mirrored in the role given to agriculture within society, and in particular the amount and type of economic rent transferred from the consumer and the taxpayer to the farmer. This thesis uses two centuries of data and 'survival analysis' statistical techniques to show that Olson's celebrated theory of collective action can be substantiated in a dynamic context. I show that as the share of farmers in the workforce diminishes, and their relative wealth shrinks, the probability of the Cabinet increasing protection grows. The reverse is also the case, showing that the Cabinet responds positively to pressures from a group whose utility was diminishing.

Copies of author's previously published articles inserted. / Bibliography: leaves 160-173. / xi,173 leaves : / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / A prospective, descriptive study of every case of eclampsia which occurred in the United Kingdom during 1992. Multiple logistic regression analyses were carried out to help assess which factors of the eclamptic episode were associated with poorer maternal and fetal outcomes. / Thesis (M.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 1996?

Thesis (M.S.)--Wisconsin State University (La Crosse), 1970. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-100).