The St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre (1572) and the Sack of Antwerp (1576), two of the most notorious massacres of the 1570s, were of international consequence in a confessionally-divided Europe. This thesis offers a comparative analysis of the Elizabethan political and print responses to both atrocities, evaluating to what extent and in what ways each shaped the increasingly Protestant political character of the period. It compares strands of argument aired by Elizabethan councillors, courtiers, military commanders and clerics, in contrast with the content of contemporary news pamphlets, to establish whether there was any overlap between the parameters of political debate and topical print. It investigates whether, and on what occasions, statesmen or figures associated with the court may have sought to confessionalise public opinion via the production of printed news. Analysing often overlooked printed sources, the thesis focuses on aspects of content and contexts of production. It considers the kinds of comment expressed on the massacres per se and in relation to: the nature of the wars in France and the Low Countries; Elizabeth’s foreign and domestic agendas; the compound significance of her gender, the unresolved succession and her realm's vulnerability to foreign invasion; and providential discourses concerning God’s favour and protection. These lines of enquiry throw up some insights into changing English attitudes towards the Catholic crowns of France and Spain and key figures abroad. Finally, the thesis reaches some broader conclusions regarding the development of an increasingly militant Anglo-Protestant nationalism in the mid-Elizabethan period.

Over the last twenty years, the analysis of social networks has become an increasingly significant tool for sociologists, anthropologists and historians alike. Network analysis has not yet, however, been adopted extensively by historians of ducal Normandy or the Anglo-Norman realm. Although there has been some useful work on specific families or political groups, these have tended to artificially isolate networks from one another and from their broader social milieux. It has become clear that these problems can only be addressed by both inter and intra network analysis over a broader time frame, and that those networks themselves must also be conceived in broad terms. This thesis therefore considers three aristocratic kin-groups of significant contemporary and subsequent importance; the Clares, Giffards, and Tosnys, and includes both their cadet branches and their in-laws. All three groups are examined in terms of their kinship structures, their roles as lords and vassals, and their relationships to the church. While much of the material is Anglo-Norman, the chronological range extends from c.940 to c.1200. The aim has been to produce a fuller picture of how all three great family enterprises were constituted, developed, interacted with one another and were embedded within society, and to acknowledge that no man, and indeed, no kin-group, is an island entire of itself.

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2008. / Includes bibliographic refrences (p. 123-126)

This thesis examines the theme of women’s madness in the 1960s and 1970s through the works of four English and French writers and film-makers: Chantal Akerman, Emma Santos, Jane Arden and Mary Barnes. It examines how these four writers and film-makers inscribe madness into their texts from a sociological angle, presenting the texts and films discussed as socio-historical artefacts while analysing each writer and film-maker’s representation of women’s madness. Inspired by psychologist Phyllis Chesler, who argues that madness is tied to socially defined gender roles and used to demarcate violations of expected gendered behaviour, this research analyses various manifestations of ‘madness’ from the everyday madness of Chantal Akerman, to psychiatrically incarcerated madness in the texts of Emma Santos, to madness influenced by anti-psychiatry through the works of Jane Arden, to complete immersion in anti-psychiatry with Mary Barnes. The interdisciplinary and cross-cultural nature of this thesis combines fields from both English and French studies, from the study of female writers and film-makers, psychoanalytic theory, the history of psychiatry and how they intersect with gender combined with contemporary feminist writings of philosophy, psychology, and theology.

‘The Ethics, Aesthetics and Politics of Carlyle’s French Revolution’ examines the work of Thomas Carlyle as a crucial aesthetic intervention in the modern reception of the French Revolution in Europe. It interrogates the prevalent critical constructions of Carlyle’s work and finds them to proceed predominantly from the Whig historical agenda, structured around such key nineteenth-century concepts as utilitarianism and civilisational and moral progress. Within this critical framework, Carlyle’s largely conservative cultural stance and Christian spirituality are hardly allowed any creative potential and, ever since the famous fabrication of James Anthony Froude who depicted Carlyle as ‘a Calvinist without the theology’, they have been perceived as artistically-stunted, irrational, and out of touch with the nineteenth-century political, social and cultural realities. In examining Carlyle’s involvement with German Romanticism on the one hand, and with contemporary British periodical press on the other, this thesis proposes a more comprehensive reading of Carlyle’s politics, aesthetics and spirituality in an attempt to represent his radically open, catholic and indeed cosmopolitan artistic agenda which taps into the Scottish Enlightenment concept of rationality, Calvinist scepticism towards nineteenth-century progressivism and acute perception of evil in this world, and post-Burkean Romantic aesthetics of the sublime. We chart the aesthetic movement from Carlyle’s early dialogue with Schiller and Goethe to ‘The Diamond Necklace’, Carlyle’s first artistic rendition of the French pre-revolutionary scene, delivered as a (Gothic) moral tale and anticipating The French Revolution (a historical work that uniquely employs the Gothic genre within historical narrative, arguably unparalleled in British post-Burkean Romanticism). The critical reception of The French Revolution in Britain is examined, with special attention paid to the highly unfavourable review by Herman Merivale in The Edinburgh Review, in order to challenge the Whig line in Carlylean criticism and to expose the fundamental artistic, political and moral disagreement between Carlyle and Merivale. Carlyle’s Calvinist stance sees both Merivale’s and Thomas Babington Macaulay’s facile exorcism of the categories of good and evil from their historical agendas as irrational given the recent French terror (which, in Carlyle’s reading, released its demons precisely through such a botched ethical deal). Similarly, I highlight Carlyle’s close dialogue with John Stuart Mill both in their correspondence, and in the publications in the London and Westminster Review, while I argue that this intellectual exchange is crucial for the reading of The French Revolution as a text challenging Mill’s utilitarianism, and written within the institutional framework of the contemporary periodical press. Finally, Carlyle is seen to make capital of the concepts of Gothic and sublime, introduced by Edmund Burke and popularised by the Anti-Jacobin Review in Britain, by applying them directly to the French mob in search of a new spiritual tongue for his times (a move that even a nineteenth-century radical liberal thinker such as Mill sees as politically, if not artistically, far too subversive and revolutionary). Creative non-conclusiveness and playful deconstruction of the prevalent post-revolutionary narratives of 1789 characterise Carlyle’s deeply spiritual and artistically-sophisticated text, which, in an orthodox Christian reading, rejoices in the messy, dark and complex residue of human history, through which Christian providence acts in mysterious and unexpected ways that do not allow for any simple, de-mythologised reading.

La comparaison du discours de jeunes citoyens français et britanniques de confession musulmane issus de l’immigration postcoloniale et engagés au sein d’Etudiants musulmans de France et des Islamic Societies dans un contexte de lutte internationale contre le terrorisme et d’islamophobie a fait émerger un discours alternatif identique aux deux groupes. Celui-ci s’est inscrit dans le processus d’institutionnalisation de l’islam de l’entre-deux-guerres à la période contemporaine pour retracer l’évolution de la constitution des communautés musulmanes dans les deux pays et le processus de racialisation de l’identité islamique.En considérant les différences entre les systèmes étatiques français et britanniques, notamment les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration, cette thèse a cherché à démontrer les similitudes quant au traitement des populations issues des colonies françaises et britanniques, depuis la présence des soldats, étudiants et travailleurs immigrés de la Première Guerre mondiale au regroupement familial dans les années 1960-1970, à l’émergence sur la scène politique des générations suivantes dans les années 1980, à la criminalisation des jeunes de confession musulmane dans la lutte contre la radicalisation violente à partir de 2005. L’analogie entre les deux pays dans la gestion d’une population issue des colonies est particulièrement lisible dans le processus de gouvernance racialisé des jeunes de confession musulmane à l’ère sécuritaire et de l’islamophobie décomplexée. Les figures du jeune potentiel terroriste et de la fille voilée sont depuis le 11 septembre au cœur des débats sur l’identité nationale, les valeurs françaises et britanniques et l’égalité des sexes, tandis que les communautés musulmanes sont érigées en communautés suspectes. La focalisation dans ce travail sur l’expérience comparée et les subjectivités des étudiants enquêtés a tendu à démontrer comment leurs constructions identitaires, au croisement de la classe, de la race et du genre, brouillent les frontières établies des appartenances ethniques, sociales et culturelles pour faire place à des identifications et des représentations multiples transcendant les représentations établies. C’est à l’interstice de différents espaces (local, national, international) dans un monde globalisé qu’a émergé un discours alternatif au discours homogénéisant et essentialisant des identités musulmanes. / From the comparison of the discourse of young French and British citizens of Muslim faith from postcolonial immigration who are involved in Etudiants Musulmans de France and Islamic Societies in a context of international war against terrorism and islamophobia, has emerged an alternative discourse identical to two groups. Their discourse has been inscribed in the process of institutionalizing Islam from the mid-war to the contemporary period to trace the evolution of the constitution of Muslim communities in both countries and the process of racialization of Islamic identity.Considering the differences between French and British state systems, particularly immigration and integration policies, this thesis has sought to demonstrate similarities in the treatment of populations from French and British colonies, from the presence of soldiers, students and immigrant workers of the First World War to the settlement of immigrants from the 1960s-1970s, the emergence on the political scene of the following generations in the 1980s, and the criminalization of young Muslims in the war against violent radicalization from 2005. The analogy between the two countries in the management of postcolonial populations is particularly readable in the process of racialized governance of young people of Muslim faith in the era of security and uninhibited Islamophobia. The figures of the young potential terrorist and the veiled girl have been at the heart of the debates on national identity, French and British values and gender equality since September 11, while Muslim communities are erected into suspect communities.The focus in this work on the comparative experience and subjectivities of the students surveyed has tended to demonstrate how their identity constructions, at the intersection of class, race and gender, blur the established boundaries of ethnic, social and cultural belonging to give way to multiple identifications and representations that transcend established representations. It is at the interstice of different spaces (local, national, international) in a globalized world that an alternative discourse to the homogenizing and essentializing discourse of Muslim identities has emerged.

The current study examines the influence of religious affiliation and practice on family patterns and labour market activity for women in Western Europe, focusing on Britain and France. While both countries have experienced a sharp decline in institutionalized forms of religion over the past decades, differences in family and fertility behaviour on the basis of religiosity seem to persist. Although previous studies documented a positive correlation between religion and both intended and actual family size, there is still uncertainty about the different routes through which religion affects fertility, how structural factors are involved in this relationship and whether and how this relationship has changed along with the process of religious decline. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring the interrelationships between religion, educational attainment, female labour force participation, union formation and fertility levels. The data come from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), which contains 18 waves from 1991 to 2008, and the French survey of the Generations and Gender Programme (GGP), which was initially conducted in 2005. By following trends in fertility differences by religious affiliation and practice across birth cohorts of women, it is found that religious differences in fertility are not only persistent across birth cohorts, there is also a growing divide between non-affiliated and religiously practicing women who maintain higher fertility levels. Religious differences in family formation patterns and completed fertility are also explored, taking into account the interaction between education and religiosity. It appears that the effect of education on fertility differs by level of religiosity, as higher education is less likely to lead to childlessness or to a smaller family size among more religious women. The findings on the relationships between family and work trajectories by level of religiosity also point to a reduced conflict between paid employment and childbearing among actively religious women, although these patterns vary by religious denomination and by country.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), 1990. / "Tirage commercial de 400 exemplaires"--V. 1-2, t.p. verso. "Sources et bibliographie": v. 1, p. 9-66.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), 1990. / "Tirage commercial de 400 exemplaires"--V. 1-2, t.p. verso. "Sources et bibliographie": v. 1, p. 9-66.