The post journals of certain Hudson's Bay Company forts were examined for evidence that air mass frequencies during the first half of the nineteenth century were markedly different from those of a modern (1955-1959) period. The "partial collective" technique of Bryson was used to determine the modern frequencies and to provide the basis of the conditional probability structure employed to estimate the historic air mass frequencies. There is evidence from each station for which analysis was performed of a greatly increased presence of "Arctic" air, probably as a consequence of a weakened zonal atmospheric circulation and a decrease in the eastward penetration of "Pacific" air. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

In recent years much criticism has been levelled at the so-called labour bias of protection in the advanced economies. A series of empirical studies have attempted to test the hypothesis that United States tariffs are designed to provide higher rates of protection for labour intensive manufacturing industries. In Canada the assumption of a labour bias has been implicit in much of the literature, but no study had previously been undertaken to collaborate this claim. Theoretical justification of the labour bias argument is found in the Samuelson-Stolper model. From this base certain measures of labour intensity and of protection were developed. Several primary factor inputs were introduced. In addition to the quantity of labour input, an attempt was made to identify qualitative differences in the labour factor. In addition, physical capital and resources were considered as important primary factors. There was some question of the relevance of some of these, particularly the physical capital and resource factors, in comparative advantage arguments concerning Canadian trade in manufactured goods. Certain conceptual problems regarding the use of "direct" versus "direct-plus-indirect" factor inputs were also involved in this part of the analysis. Two measures of protection were identified, nominal tariff rates and effective protection rates. Since the study chose to utilize only "direct" factor inputs the latter measure of protection was considered to be more relevant. Effective rates are a relatively new concept, however, and so the more common measure was also included. The results of the analysis indicated that there was, in fact, a significant labour bias in the structure of the Canadian tariff on manufactured goods. The evidence suggested that when the primary factors were combined the bias was stronger than when any one factor was considered alone relative to labour. The evidence also indicated that two primary factors, human capital (the quality of labour) and resources, relative to labour appeared to account for the bias. Unexplainably, the results pointed to a somewhat stronger relationship when nominal rates rather than effective rates were considered. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

This study examines the transactions demand for cash in several sectors of Canadian industry. In particular, the question of the existence of economies and diseconomies of scale in the holding of cash balances is investigated. In the estimation procedure, sales were used as an approximation of transactions. Average cash balances were regressed on average annual sales figures for fourteen industrial groups in the years 1957, 1958 and 1960. Log and ordinary linear formulations were used. Regression coefficients indicated that in the majority of cases, elasticities of cash with respect to sales were approximately unity, as the Meltzer model of the demand for cash predicts. In three out of the forty-two cases, elasticities were significantly (at the .05 level) less than unity, indicating that the Baumol-Tobin models might be relevant in some cases. In five cases, elasticities significantly greater than unity were found. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

In this thesis, an attempt is made to relate the housing policies of the Federal Government to the income structure of families in Canada. It is felt that this is a fruitful area of study for students of planning since the questions of slum areas, urban renewal programs, and the general promotion of safety and welfare are involved. Moreover, in the urbanizing context in which we live today, cognizance will have to be taken of problems which cities face when low-income families settle within their boundaries. The hypothesis with which the thesis was mainly concerned was this: Given the structure of income distribution in Canada, the housing policies of the Federal Government, with their major reliance on home-ownership financing, inevitably produce a housing shortage within the urban centres of the country. To test the main hypothesis, federal policies as codified in the National Housing Act, as well as the speeches of Members of Parliament — especially those responsible for administering the housing Acts over the years—were examined. The findings clearly supported the contention, that not only does federal policies emphasize housing for home-owners, but insistence on private production of housing to meet all demands was the keystone of federal housing policies. These aspects of housing policy developed during the Second World War and continued into the 1950s and early 1960s. Quite recently, however, there has been a noticeable shift in the emphasis given to public housing. Having affirmed that Government policies did in fact emphasize market provision of housing seemingly without regard to the full implications, the question of needs, and the basic components of need were investigated. Needs, it was pointed out, are not identical with demand. For whereas demand is expressed in terms of the ability and willingness to pay in the market, needs must be sought out, by first establishing the income level which allows the individual to buy his own home. For those who cannot meet market requirements, public housing, limited-dividend housing and other forms of subsidized housing are necessary. Home-ownership as a value is perhaps still very strong in Canada. If satisfactory housing is provided for low-income families a policy of educating the public as to the benefits to the community as a whole is necessary. Such an education program should point out that home-ownership under the National Housing Act is itself subsidized. Furthermore, home-ownership often means massive assistance. The mortgagor may be said to own heavy debts, just as easily as he is said to "own" his home. The market for housing production was examined in detail. Four significant points emerged: 1. Families receiving less than $4,000 cannot afford to own a home even under NHA arrangements and therefore are excluded from the home-ownership market. 2. For those families unable to benefit from the home-ownership provisions of the Act, low-rental housing is necessary. But so far only a negligible supply of housing has been produced under the NHA in spite of a wide range of provisions. 3. Study of financing conditions in Vancouver would indicate that there are significant shifts away from the use of NHA. On the other hand, NHA loans continue to play a noticeable role in suburban areas of Greater Vancouver where suitable lot sizes and land costs can be found. k.. Evidence suggests that of late, more serious consideration is being accorded the problem of low-rental housing and public housing. The Minister assigned the task of overseeing the administration of the National Housing Act, has recently called attention to the plight of the many thousands of families who cannot obtain even minimal standard housing accommodation with public subsidy. In short, greater recognition is being given to the crucial role that the incomes of families play. But such a policy would have to show awareness of the fact that, since the federal resources available for housing are limited, allocation of federal funds should be in that area of housing in which greatest national welfare would result. However, the basic problem of effectively providing housing for low-income groups remains. Its solution will require more wholehearted effort on the part of the provincial government along the lines of the government of the Province of Ontario. But it is felt that the Federal Government can also show much more initiative. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

It should be axiomatic that Rehabilitation is part of the social policy of any modern state. When Canada signed the United Nations Charter, she pledged herself to implement a comprehensive range of health services for her people. Health services according to United Nations definitions, have always included the five major aspects of prevention, diagnosis, treatment, restoration and rehabilitation. The purpose of this study, which is the first of a planned series, is to examine what progress Canada has made toward the implementation of that promise, made to her people in 1948. Its focus is on identification of the barriers legal, political, economic social and administrative which mitigate against the realization of this nationally set objective. The study began with the hypothesis that because in modern industrialized societies, programmes of rehabilitation services usually stem from a legislative base, the logical place to begin identification and analysis of obstacles to implementation of a full range of services, would be a review of the statutory provisions for services. If obstacles were identified at this level, their effect on the patterning and levels of services could then be examined and indications could be obtained as to how far a modification of the legislative structure of services might contribute to the development of a more comprehensive system. As a prelude to this analysis it was necessary first to delineate what is entailed in the concept of a comprehensive system of services and to define the terms "disability" and "handicap". International sources were used extensively, and it was found that in spite of widely differing political, economic and social institutions, and arrangements, there was almost complete agreement on the basic principles of rehabilitation. Ten major principles were identified and recorded. Next an attempt was made to identify criteria for rehabilitation goals as related to the individual disabled person. It was found that both the national and the international material consulted was geared to vocational rehabilitation as a goal and that most statements did not take sufficient cognisance of the person who cannot reach this goal, but who might achieve a different level of achievement and satisfaction. An attempt was made to classify these goals in a way which would be useful both to clients and agencies. Because each country has implemented the basic rehabilitation principles in its own way, there is no one system of services which can be used as a model for a comprehensive system. However, working from the base of the philopsophy and the ten principles, it was found possible to classify the kind and range of services which would have to be included in a comprehensive scheme. This was spelled out for use in this study and in future projects in the series as a "touchstone" or model profile of services with a cautionary reminder that no system of services is or should be static and that rehabilitation itself is a constantly evolving concept. It is anticipated that it will serve at least as a useful base against which to examine a wide range of problems relating to rehabilitation in future parts of the series. The many faceted nature of rehabilitation as a concept was next examined in more detail because the total concept needs to permeate the whole range of services. Emphasis was placed on the concept of rehabilitation not just as a set of services but as a process, a "for ward movement towards a goal" which the client chooses and which the various rehabilitation personnel help him to reach. The study then focuses on an examination of the current Canadian picture in rehabilitation. This was preceded by a brief summary of the early developments in rehabilitation in Canada, stressing the "piecemeal" and "categorial" approach characteristic of the times, and the unique features in the Canadian situation. Material for this was obtained from the general literature, together with material obtained from the office of the National Coordinator of Rehabilitation for Canada and from correspondence with the Provincial Coordinators offices of nine provinces, excluding Quebec. The role of the federal government was then analysed, with particular reference to its responsibilities under the division of constitutional powers made under the British North America Act of 1867. The specific groups for whose rehabilitation the federal government has responsibility are then referred to. The policy of the federal government in its attempts to assist the provinces to carry their responsibility for rehabilitation services is critically reviewed. There is then a closer examination of the three specific act relating to the disabled in Canada, first the Disabled Persons Allowance Act, secondly the Vocational Rehabilitation of the Disabled Act, and thirdly the relevant sections of the Technical and Vocational Training Act. There is next a focussing on the effects of this legislative structure on the patterning of services in one particular province, British Columbia. Emphasis is laid on the relationship between the role of the Provincial Coordinator, the place of the government agencies, and the important role of voluntary agencies. Material for this section was gathered from government statistics, Royal Commission Reports, surveys and reports of local agencies, interviews with the Provincial Coordinator and the Provincial Consultant in Rehabilitation for the Province of British Columbia as well as with the personnel of selected representative agencies offering a broad coverage of the spectrum of services in British Columbia. As a contrast, the neighbouring province of Saskatchewan was selected as an illustration of the differing ways in which identical federal statutes can be interpreted and followed, and the differing ways in which a provincial programme of rehabilitation service can be structured and administered. In Saskatchewan, the provincial government of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party coming into office in the 1945, took an active role in the rehabilitation field from the time it first took office, until its defeat in 1962, the now famous "medicare issue." This government interpreted its own statutes and those of the federal government very broadly, including from the beginning socially handicapped groups such as the Metis. In relation to the federal acts, it included groups such as alcoholics in its concept of the "disabled" which is not yet a common practice in the rest of Canada. This government's approach was also characterized by an extensive use of the "needs" test rather than the means test as a base from which to offer rehabilitation help to the entire family if necessary. While the "needs" test is used in British Columbia also there are a number of restrictions in its use, which do not operate in Saskatchewan, such as a "maximum floor" of financial aid which might be below the level of help an individual or family needed in order to become rehabilitated. Among the findings of the study are the following:- (1) that the fate of a Canadian needing rehabilitation sew ices depends very much on which part of Canada he lives in. Even within his own province, his neighbour across the street who happens to live within the boundaries of another municipality may fare far better than he does. (2) The kind and amount of help he receives would appear to be determined by three factors (a) the nature of the help available under the statutes, (b) the liberality or rigidity of their interpretation by the authorities of this particular locality (c) the availability of the kind of help he needs through the voluntary agencies(3) all the attempts by the Federal government to overcome the obstacles posed by the constitutional division of powers have not resulted in "national minimum" floor or service below which no Canadian shall be allowed to fall, despite many reiterations by the federal government that this is the intent, both of the legislation and of the efforts to assist the provinces which the federal government has made to date.(4) In essence, the federal role is basically limited to assisting the provinces with whatever services or facilities the provinces themselves are willing to initiate.(5) The conclusion is inescapable that the effect of the present constitutional division of powers on the development of comprehensive rehabilitation services is an impeding one. (6) In effect, the provinces and the voluntary socities carry full responsibility and the major portion of the load, without having either the legislative authority or the financial capacity. A series of recommendations broad,and specific,are then made. They include (1) Changing the British North America Act as a necessary step to the flexibility of patterning needed to make Canada's Rehabilitation Services comprehensive.(2) That the Federal government should assume a vigorous role as the standard setting body in the field of rehabilitation services, and should implement the concept of a national minimum of service. This is viewed as a necessity whether the federal government continues its policy of extending financial aid to the provinces, or whether a different system of legislative and fiscal responsibility is eventually worked out. A series of"research questions" arising out of this study are listed with the intent that these will form a nucleos of further research follow-up studies later in the series. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Hartley, Allan S.; Kerr, Janet; Sieben, Michael / Graduate

This thesis purports to consider two related problems in Canadian citizenship laws. In the first chapter, a comparison is made between the American state citizenship and what could be called a provincial citizenship in Canada. In conclusion, it is asserted that there are more factors in the United States tending to standardize the content of the citizenship status between the states than between the provinces in Canada. Consequently, insofar as this content is determined by the states or the provinces, it can be said that Canadian provinces have been recognized by the laws of the constitution much more leeway than the American states to grant to the people they consider as their citizens a particular status which is distinct from the one possessed by citizens of other provinces. Moreover, the first chapter demonstrates that, both in Canada and in the United States, the purposes for which a formal citizenship has been created are mostly irrelevant for the determination of the classes of persons who are entitled to share in the rights and privileges granted on a territorial basis. This should normally lead to a recognition that aliens lawfully landed on the territory will he entitled to these rights privileges for internal purposes, and that classifications against aliens in this respect should be declared invalid in the United States and inoperative in Canada by virtue of the equality before the law provision of the Bill of Rights. A study, in the second chapter, of the judicial attitudes of Canadian judges concerning the interpretation of section 91 (25) of the B.N.A. Act has revealed that, even today, the judiciary is not likely to use the Bill of Rights as an effective tool to bring about a complete recognition of the rights aliens should have to share in the general citizenship status. The solution proposed is to reform the Supreme Court of Canada so as to give to this organ the representativeness and legitimacy it needs to feel free to depart from a legalistic application of the law; thus, the reliance on the Bill of Rights to render inoperative federal enactments could be supplemented by the availability of some "implied bill of rights" approach capable of effecting the same result as against provincial discrimination. Then, the distribution of persons (aliens and Indians) in the B.N.A. Act would become useless, and it could be removed, either judicially or by a formal constitutional amendment. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis uses philosophical and conceptual analysis to examine communitarian critiques of homogenous liberal conceptions of citizenship and the contemporary recognition pressures in the Canadian polity. It attempts to make some observations on the degree of difference that the Canadian society could support without destroying the sentimental bond of citizenship that develops when citizens feel they belong to the same moral and political community. The assumption made in our introduction is that diversity or differentiation becomes too exaggerated when citizens no longer feel like they are similar and can reach agreement on common objectives. This thesis is consequentialist in nature. It seeks to respond to the question of whether or not the “federal spirit” that has preserved the Canadian state intact can help Canadians take the conceptual leap necessary to accept further differential citizenship for aboriginal and Québecois national minorities who seek expanded self-government and special provisions to preserve and promote their collectivities, and for non-territorial groups united by a shared life situation who seek group rights and representations. In Part I of this thesis we examine theoretical considerations about diversity and uniformity in both liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship and review Kymlicka’s attempt to reconcile cultural membership within liberal theory. We observe that liberals reject group rights and radical cultural pluralism out of concern that they may lead to a reduction of individual autonomy and an erosion of cross-group dialogue. We demonstrate that although the liberal state is not completely neutral with regards to the promotion of a certain conception of the good life, it is more neutral than a communitarian state because it provides for individual autonomy and creates a structure for democratic dialogue. However, Kymlicka’s work shows that within the global economy, cultural identity is an increasingly important qualitative element in an individual’s life, providing her with an enhanced local social structure and with personal self-respect. Although a reconciliation of liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship appear unlikely in pure theory, in the Canadian context, constitutional provisions have already acted to create elements of individual and collective rights. This reality implies that new theories have to be developed to explain the dynamic between individual and collective rights in particular political cultures. In Part II, we attempt to reconcile the fragmented concepts of citizenship which afflict the contemporary Canadian polity. This Thesis sets out that status quo federalism and homogenous liberal citizenship are threatening the stability of the Canadian polity. However, because of the interactive loyalties and differentiation inherent in the Canadian federal regime, federalism may provide the flexibility to accommodate the demands of Québécois, as well as aboriginal nationalists. Conversely, this thesis maintains that the arguments in favour of a politics of difference for oppressed social and cultural groups should be rejected, not on the grounds that these groups do not exist or that they do not speak in “different voices”, but because it would undermine the democratic dialogue and test the fragile ties which bond citizens to one another. A further reason to reject a politics of difference or radical cultural pluralism is that it would limit the autonomy of individual members of groups who want to be judged by their actions and words rather than their ethnicity, culture or gender. The liberal state can pursue policies to include non-territorial groups without granting group rights and representation. For their part, Aboriginal communities and the province of Quebec should be recognized as distinct societies in Canada. The meaning of distinct society should be defined using section 1 of the Charter as a model. These distinct societies should be given minor group right provisions, in order to preserve and promote their collectivities which do not violate fundamental human rights These minor provisions could be considered reasonable limitations in free and democratic aboriginal and Québécois distinct societies within Canada. Concomitantly, any new constitutional accommodation must also recognize that a precondition of federal citizenship is that all citizens whether members of self-governing aboriginal communities or citizens residing in the province of Quebec must accept decisions of the federal jurisdiction and be able to transcend their personal or national motivations and acknowledge their responsibility to others in the Canadian moral community if they hope to retain the benefits that our community provides all of its citizens. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Between 19.51 and 1971 the population of Canada increased 50 per cent from 14.1 million to 21.5 million. Simultaneous with the increase, significant changes in the composition of the population were occurring. Age distributions shifted as the post-war baby boom matured. The non-family portion of the household stock increased from 13.3 to 18 per cent. Growing proportions of households were locating in the urban areas. However, there has been virtually no attempt to modify Canadian housing policy to better suit the changing population. Home-ownership and the single family dwelling continue to be encouraged. This thesis examines these and other demographic changes and analyses recent projections of the Canadian population in an attempt to determine the suitability of current housing policy in the light of possible future populations. While recognizing the limitations of using projections based on trends, until a better model is provided, this study illustrates the possibility that today's housing policy may be mis-shaping the housing stock for future populations if current trends continue. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

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