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In this thesis a theory of monopoly capitalism, and particularly of the recuperative functions of the monopoly state, is presented. It is suggested that this theory throws significant light on the marked transformations which occurred in the Canadian Civil Service between 1939 and 1957. It is hypothesized that the Canadian state undertook what has been defined as 'monopoly functions' during this period. The argument is supported by an analysis of the institutional structure of the wartime and postwar Civil Service - examining the administrative hierarchy, the range of institutional contradictions, and the radically altered relation of the state to the private economy. The theory of monopoly capital employed in this thesis follows from a tradition of Marxist debate, but places peculiar emphasis on the distinction between the production of means of production (DI) and the production of means of consumption (DII). The production of the means of production would include particularly the capital goods sector and the large infrastructural networks supportive of national industry. The production of the means of consumption would include the 'necessaries of life' required to support the direct producers - both durable and non-durable consumer goods. It is argued that the relationship of the state to each of these two sectors is of a different character and significance - a position not generally held. Another important concept highlighted is that of the "work of coordination and unity," which is used to weld the theory of the monopoly economy to a few central hypotheses concerning the monopoly state itself and forms of monopoly state intervention. It is suggested that the particular structural ambivalences, institutional rivalries, and patterns of institutional growth which are characteristic of the postwar Canadian state can be explained, in their mutual relation, by the principal hypotheses of the theory of the monopoly role of the state. The connections which have been brought to light in this research are most revealing. Not only do individual circumstances "measure" against precepts of the theory, but main lines of development which occurred simultaneously in different parts of the Civil Service are seen to stand in a highly suggestive relation to one another when viewed from this perspective. Pivotal to the development of this argument is a review of the historical bases of the wartime/postwar state, and the establishment of a measure of comparison by which to gauge the extent and direction of institutional change between 1939 and 1957. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Canada is more accurately described as an independent imperialist country than a relatively dependent or foreign-dominated country. This conclusion is reached by examining recent empirical evidence on the extent of inward and outward foreign investment, ownership links between large financial corporations and large industrial corporations, and the size and composition of manufacturing production and trade. In each of these areas, the differences between Canada and other members of the G7 group of countries are not large enough to justify placing Canada in a different political-economic status than these core imperialist countries. An historical context for the debate over Canada's current status is provided by archival research on how socialists in the 1920s addressed similar issues. Imperialist status means that social and economic problems in Canada are more rooted in Canadian capitalism and less in foreign capitalism than is generally assumed by left-nationalist Canadian political economy. Given Canada's imperialist status, labour and social movements in Canada should not support Canadian nationalism, e.g., oppose 'free' trade and globalization on this basis.

This thesis seeks to contribute to the theoretical and empirical debate surrounding five key issues in the demand for money. These issues are identified as: stability, functional form, causality, dynamics and competing theories. Each is examined through the application of current econometric methods to Canadian data. In addition to providing information about Canadian money demand, efforts are made to assess the practical nature of the econometric techniques employed. / Contributions include: an assessment of relative sensitivity of various stability tests; a discussion of stability of monetary aggregates wherein a demand shift in the current account component of narrow money in the mid-1970s is identified; empirical and theoretical analyses of the appropriateness of a semilogarithmic functional form; technical improvements in the study of causality for Canada; discussion and assessment of variable dynamics in the equilibrating adjustment process; and construction of a statistically-optimum and economically-rational price expectations series.

Canada is more accurately described as an independent imperialist country than a relatively dependent or foreign-dominated country. This conclusion is reached by examining recent empirical evidence on the extent of inward and outward foreign investment, ownership links between large financial corporations and large industrial corporations, and the size and composition of manufacturing production and trade. In each of these areas, the differences between Canada and other members of the G7 group of countries are not large enough to justify placing Canada in a different political-economic status than these core imperialist countries. An historical context for the debate over Canada's current status is provided by archival research on how socialists in the 1920s addressed similar issues. Imperialist status means that social and economic problems in Canada are more rooted in Canadian capitalism and less in foreign capitalism than is generally assumed by left-nationalist Canadian political economy. Given Canada's imperialist status, labour and social movements in Canada should not support Canadian nationalism, e.g., oppose 'free' trade and globalization on this basis. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

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No description available.

This thesis questions why young female and aboriginal plaintiffs consistently receive lower damage awards for loss of future earning capacity than young white male plaintiffs. I argue that due to the social construction of law, and specifically tort law, the dividing line between public and private law should be challenged. The effect of tort is partially "public" in nature due to the broad impact tort has on valuing the potential of individual plaintiffs. When damages for female and aboriginal plaintiffs are assessed on a reduced scale due to gender and race, a message is sent that the potential of these plaintiffs, and the potential of the groups to which they belong, is somehow less. Due to the "public" impacts of damages quantification, principles of equality derived from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms should be considered in the quantification process. I argue further, that the current practice of damages quantification has been the result of the court's over-reliance on "formalist" notions of tort law which has insulated the area from the social context of law. In addition, I suggest that the acceptance by courts of economic evidence, which is often reflective of discriminatory norms in the labour market and our society generally, has had the effect of de-valuing certain members of Canadian society; in particular women and aboriginal plaintiffs. I demonstrate this analysis through an examination of cases dealing with young, catastrophically injured, female and aboriginal plaintiffs. Finally, I suggest that, though an imperfect solution, currently the only equitable method of quantifying damages for loss of future earning capacity is to adopt white male earning tables for all young plaintiffs with no demonstrated earning history.

This thesis questions why young female and aboriginal plaintiffs consistently receive lower damage awards for loss of future earning capacity than young white male plaintiffs. I argue that due to the social construction of law, and specifically tort law, the dividing line between public and private law should be challenged. The effect of tort is partially "public" in nature due to the broad impact tort has on valuing the potential of individual plaintiffs. When damages for female and aboriginal plaintiffs are assessed on a reduced scale due to gender and race, a message is sent that the potential of these plaintiffs, and the potential of the groups to which they belong, is somehow less. Due to the "public" impacts of damages quantification, principles of equality derived from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms should be considered in the quantification process. I argue further, that the current practice of damages quantification has been the result of the court's over-reliance on "formalist" notions of tort law which has insulated the area from the social context of law. In addition, I suggest that the acceptance by courts of economic evidence, which is often reflective of discriminatory norms in the labour market and our society generally, has had the effect of de-valuing certain members of Canadian society; in particular women and aboriginal plaintiffs. I demonstrate this analysis through an examination of cases dealing with young, catastrophically injured, female and aboriginal plaintiffs. Finally, I suggest that, though an imperfect solution, currently the only equitable method of quantifying damages for loss of future earning capacity is to adopt white male earning tables for all young plaintiffs with no demonstrated earning history. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

Over the past decade, the topic of globalization has infiltrated both public and academic debates. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate whether the growth in the discussion of globalization is justified by an equivalent increase in the interaction of economies. The focus of this dissertation is on economic globalization and specifically how it affects Canada. Evidence of cross-border 'flows' is presented in three parts. One, the trade of goods is traced from Confederation (1867) to the present, showing that contemporary levels of trade are not unprecedented. Furthermore, the data reveal that the bulk of the increase in Canada's trade since the Second World War has been with the United States. There are also strong indications that as the economy is becoming more service oriented, it will also become less trade dependent. Two, statistics on foreign direct investment (FDI) reveal that foreign ownership in Canada is at an all-time historical low. Three, the stock of portfolio investments (stocks and bonds) owned across borders is also not, historically speaking, at particularly high levels. Overall, when foreign direct and portfolio investment are combined, the data show that only a small percentage of Canada's wealth is owned by foreign investors and, likewise, only a small portion of Canada's wealth is located outside of its borders. Another claim found in the globalization literature is that the nation state is weakening or disappearing altogether. However, once subjected to scrutiny, this claim, too, is difficult to sustain. Government expenditures have increased dramatically since the Second World War and show few signs of abating. For the fiscal year 1996/97, government expenditures amounted to approximately half of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), indicating a general levelling of expenditures since the mid-1970s. More importantly, the globalization literature has unfailingly ignored the welfare-state side of government spending, arguably the most significant development in the political economy of the nation state in the 20th century. To bridge this gap, three sectors of the welfare state — education, health, and social services — are examined in detail. Lastly, an alternate explanation for globalization is put forward. Capital, it is argued, has made a concerted attack on the welfare state, utilizing high interest rates and high unemployment to discipline labour. Although having suffered a few scratches and dents as a consequence, the welfare-state has resolutely endured.