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Prelude to a new world order : the Atlantic triangle and Japan 1914-1921Cassidy, James Thomas January 1974 (has links)
No description available.
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Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gapKellett, Ken January 2013 (has links)
Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods. / vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
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This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903Kohn, Edward P (Edward Parliament), 1968- January 2000 (has links)
At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
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Limits of coexistince : the U.S.S. Nashville and the presence of armed American naval training vessels on the Great LakesAndrews, Paul Martin. January 1981 (has links)
No description available.
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The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885McElrea, Patrick D. January 1997 (has links)
Canada's post-Confederation economy was marked by a search for capital that was used to complete large infrastructure projects such as the Canadian Pacific Railway. Since Canada's small tax base could not pay for the transcontinental railway, financiers in the City of London were the first choice as a source for this capital by the Canadian government. As P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins explained in British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, however, the ability to tap this resource was dependent on the gentlemanly credentials of the government's representative because the City's social culture was dominated by ideals of "propertied wealth", family connections and social activity. Sir John A. Macdonald's Conservatives, therefore, installed a representative in London that possessed these gentlemanly qualities in the hopes of securing capital for the completion of the CPR and promoting Canada's interests in the London business community. Three men between 1869 and 1885 served as Canada's High Commissioner. Sir John Rose, Sir Alexander Tilloch Galt and Sir Charles Tupper were all chosen for their apparent gentlemanly qualities. The men used these qualities with varying success to promote and eventually secure the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway.
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Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and NorwayGillies, David, 1952- January 1992 (has links)
This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis. / Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Canadian-Indonesian relations 1945-63 : international relations and public diplomacyWebster, David 05 1900 (has links)
Canadian foreign policy towards Indonesia during the governments of Louis St. Laurent
(1948-57) and John Diefenbaker (1957-63) was conditioned by Canada's place in the North
Atlantic alliance, seen as more central to national interests. The most direct Canada-Indonesia
connections were forged by non-government "public diplomats." This thesis utilizes the theory of
"mental maps" as a way of understanding how diplomats imagined the world. Policymakers1
mental maps gave prominence to Europe and the North Atlantic. Southeast Asia appeared only as
a periphery needing to be held for larger "free world" goals. Ottawa viewed Indonesia through the
prism of its alliances and multilateral associations. Canadian diplomacy towards Indonesia was
often designed to preserve the unity of the North Atlantic alliance.
During the Indonesian national revolution, Canadian representatives on the Security Council
acted to help their Netherlands allies. They found a compromise solution that helped to prevent
splits within the North Atlantic alliance and the Commonwealth. Policymakers were working out
a diplomatic self-image: Canada as mediating middle power. This was a process of myth making
in which actions taken for alliance reasons were remembered as part of a global peacemaking
mission. However, Ottawa avoided involvement in the second Indonesian-Dutch decolonization
dispute over West New Guinea (Papua). Development aid also became part of Canada's
diplomatic self-perception. Canada sent aid through the Colombo plan, intended to restore global
trade and fight the cold war with non-military weapons. Canadian aid to Indonesia was negligible,
primarily wheat.
While bilateral relations were limited, non-state actors operating within North America-wide
networks forged more important connections. Canadian advisers to Indonesia's National Planning
Bureau mapped out a development path based on Western models. McGill University's Institute
of Islamic Studies promoted the "modernization" of Islam. Indonesia under Sukarno (1945-65)
tried to avoid dependence on aid, but welcomed investment by oil companies such as Asamera
and bought de Havilland aircraft from Canada. The seeds for the economic policies of Suharto's
New Order (1965-98) were sown during this period by Indonesians based in the Planning Bureau
and at McGill. Public diplomacy had a more enduring effect than government policy. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate
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The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885McElrea, Patrick D. January 1997 (has links)
No description available.
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This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903Kohn, Edward P (Edward Parliament), 1968- January 2000 (has links)
No description available.
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Prelude to a new world order : the Atlantic triangle and Japan 1914-1921Cassidy, James Thomas January 1974 (has links)
No description available.
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